tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-83977682624297377642024-03-04T20:50:04.121-08:00African Greed - Exposing Corruption in AfricaAfrican Corruption - Exposing Africa's Corrupt Riches. Is it Hard Word, or Cheating or Corruption?Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger14125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-18432125597700296752011-06-16T16:02:00.000-07:002011-06-16T16:02:11.043-07:00The White Men Who Have Plundered the Wealth of Africa - The White Robber BaronsFor decades, the so-called “White Robber Barons” are exploiting the African people and drying out African land without any remorse. They are trading, stealing, committing fraud, bribing, killing, breaking sanctions, dealing in arms and are doing whatever they want: They rule Africa.<br />
In Africa and beyond, their business is no secret. Everyone knows how they run it and with whom they run it. The media knows about it, governments know about it, but it seems like no one cares. The rulers of Africa behaves like nothing can stop them, nothing can touch them; they simply feel invincible.<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmOimTiXZ5lV7uE09-VV-Iy_lglfHXyrRG8GTd-cTBxdTCe8Qh-XxMJGhpcynmrRNN8GGGN1aIUzMxigdrqW6jiqkcIF-Pw7XixF-USKHmfftWSYfuHgZKAOLU7tK9nof9yICAicV8fcY_/s1600/29_falcones_250x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmOimTiXZ5lV7uE09-VV-Iy_lglfHXyrRG8GTd-cTBxdTCe8Qh-XxMJGhpcynmrRNN8GGGN1aIUzMxigdrqW6jiqkcIF-Pw7XixF-USKHmfftWSYfuHgZKAOLU7tK9nof9yICAicV8fcY_/s640/29_falcones_250x375.jpg" width="426" /></a></div>The most notable “Robber Barons” are John Bredenkamp, Muller Conrad Rautenbach aka ‘Billy’ Rautenbach, Nicholas van Hoogstraten, Philippe Edmonds, Andrew Groves, and most recent Johnny come lately, Philip Falcone.<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2oWKwO9vGD3x5rHKyN0I4IePoapwL9EqABOiKEg4GCdvjjE_zyGAmVqzEapdqW9C9RNwdekC7_k0foiREipHns7H_L3X3NU1D_8fYO9Lt_PWIBoZHAC88icqldFMVKlWZZs-Ms_0g0vjb/s1600/hoog--124662251316178900.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="234" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2oWKwO9vGD3x5rHKyN0I4IePoapwL9EqABOiKEg4GCdvjjE_zyGAmVqzEapdqW9C9RNwdekC7_k0foiREipHns7H_L3X3NU1D_8fYO9Lt_PWIBoZHAC88icqldFMVKlWZZs-Ms_0g0vjb/s320/hoog--124662251316178900.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><br />
Most of these gentlemen claim not to have met Zimbabwe’s President Mugabe, nor knows of each other. However, the fact is that they all know Mugabe and each other, and together they rule Zimbabwe. They don’t work for Mugabe; Mugabe works for them. Together, the “Robber Barons’” combined wealth is in billions of dollars, enough money to run Zimbabwe and manipulate other African countries for decades to come.<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgyyGkGlCEF15QlYEmhoOPa8TyrcMH3Lx_WC8bEpMB1W4UcwVRBM7SuyFodSIjxrCPvH5xJIe_oLykRmu40YyZEPEqB2CL__hRqaKdwheCNX-ivKP4KbCqgOBkM9WX0MXTJpGat_gM4rtBm/s1600/john_bredenkamp02.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgyyGkGlCEF15QlYEmhoOPa8TyrcMH3Lx_WC8bEpMB1W4UcwVRBM7SuyFodSIjxrCPvH5xJIe_oLykRmu40YyZEPEqB2CL__hRqaKdwheCNX-ivKP4KbCqgOBkM9WX0MXTJpGat_gM4rtBm/s640/john_bredenkamp02.jpg" width="328" /></a></div>So, how did it start?<br />
It started with John Bredenkamp, a South African-born businessman, Africa’s no.1 Tobacco Lord and Billy Rautenbachs’ idol and mentor. Since 2008, along with Rautenbach, Bredenkamp was blacklisted by the US Department of the Treasury and the European Union for his "strong ties to the Government of Zimbabwe, providing financial and other illicit support to the regime through their companies,” and is wanted in his home country for fraud.<br />
Bredenkamp's career took off in earnest during the late 1970s when he became deeply involved in the commercial affairs of the embargoed Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) regime of Ian Smith of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe).<br />
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It has been claimed that he effectively ran the finances of the Rhodesian armed forces during the later stages of the Bush War (1964-1979). In this capacity, he brokered export sales of Rhodesian products (mainly tobacco) and used the proceeds to fund the purchase of munitions and military equipment. His "sanctions busting" deals (often involving complex barter transactions) sustained the UDI regime for far longer than would otherwise have been possible.<br />
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Bredenkamp gained considerable clout in the political and economic affairs of independent Zimbabwe as well. It is known that he played a significant role in the events surrounding Zimbabwe's intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 1998 and 2003. This intervention involved using the Zimbabwean army and air force to support the Kabila government in its war with rebels backed by Uganda and Rwanda. He also helped Mugabe to sustain the Zimbabwean economy in a time of turbulence. Bredenkamp became a power behind the scenes in the Zimbabwe ruling ZANU-PF party.<br />
Bredenkamp became a major arms dealer in the late 70s, when he reportedly broke sanctions imposed by the UN against the white minority government; during the liberation war by supplying spare parts for the Hawker Hunter ground-attack aircraft of the Rhodesian air force. These aircraft also saw combat during Zimbabwe's intervention in the DRC in the late 1990s.<br />
There are also reasons to believe that Bredenkamp was secretly selling arms to ZANLA, the military wing of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), and ZIPRA, the military wing of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), against the Rhodesian government during the UDI.<br />
Robert Mugabe’s rise to power in 1980 did not stop Bredenkamp. He continued selling arms to the new Zimbabwe government trough his company Casalee from Belgium. Bredenkamp eventually returned to Zimbabwe in 1984 to financially support Mugabe, and to start global arms dealing.<br />
British investigative television programme, broadcast in 1994, claimed that one of his companies sold anti-aircraft guns to Iraq and land mines to Iran during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s.<br />
Most recently, Bredenkamp's name has also been linked to a billion-dollar arms deal in neighbouring South Africa, involving the British arms company BAE Systems.<br />
In the mid 90’s Bredenkamp introduced Billy Rautenbach to the arms dealing business. Rautenbach soon after, started supplying arms to war-torn Congo. Some of the weapons allegedly came from Daewoo's armaments factory, which is separate from its car manufacturing operation in South Korea.<br />
Billy Rautenbach “Napoleon of Africa” is the most notorious of all “Robber Barons”. There are no words to describe Rautenbachs affairs. Throughout his career he has been accused of theft, bribery, murder, arms dealing and tax fraud.<br />
Rautenbach's arms and mining business were on a rise from 1998 till 2008 when the US and the EU blacklisted him and imposed sanctions on his companies. However, like with all other “Robber Barons”, those sanctions did not make him fall, they just slowed him.<br />
In 1998, Rautenbach, who never had any mining experience, was appointed by DRC President Laurent-Desire Kabila, the chief executive of the state-owned mining company, La Générale des Carrières et des Mines (Gecamines). His appointment came less than a day after Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe, met the Congolese leader, Laurent Kabila, to discuss how to pay for Zimbabwean troops fighting for the Kinshasa government against Rwandan. Rautenbach's position at Gecamines was a payback for Zimbabwe's military backing.<br />
Soon after his appointment Gecamines started weapons shipments to Congo's army in breach of South Africa's embargo. One prosecution source has said that Rautenbach was identified as a ‘key sponsor of the war’.<br />
Rautenbach fled South Africa in 1999 after justice department investigators raided his office and home. The charges against Rautenbach include the theft of 1,300 cars from Hyundai, bribing customs officials and fraudulently reducing the tax liability of Wheels of Africa's subsidiaries. In 2009, he reached a plea bargain with the South African authorities and paid a fine of 40 million Rand.<br />
Billy Rautenbach allegedly played a "key role" in Yong Koo-Kwon's (Daewoo’s executive) assassination. But to add to the mystery, the alleged motive of the assassination of general manager of the Daewoo Motor Corporation had nothing to do with the motor industry, rather with Daewoo’s armament factory. The two had clashed over arms supplies to DRC. Rautenbach prevailed.<br />
In 2000, President Kabila sacked Rautenbach and had his assets seized for allegedly under-reporting sales and exports of millions of pounds of cobalt for the benefit of his firm, Ridgepointe Overseas Development Company. President Kabila then asked John Bredenkamp, to take over some of Rautenbach's seized assets, among them the Kambove and Kakanda processing plants and a large number of deposits in the rich Katanga province in southern DRC. Bredenkamp invested in excess of £10m to open the Mukondo deposit, arguably the richest cobalt mine in the world.<br />
Rautenbach maintained his interests in the mining sector during the second Congo war. In February 2004, Rautenbach was mysteriously awarded half of Bredenkamp's assets in the DRC. Bredenkamp was allegedly never compensated, but he never wanted to since two of them were running arms imports to DRC and export of minerals. Kabila knew this well, but because of Rautenbach's public image he had to remove him and call on Bredenkamp. The United Nations Panel of Experts on DRC named both men for plundering copper and cobalt from Katanga, and both deal globally in weapons<br />
Besides the Volvo franchise and transportation company, Rautenbach is famous for two more deals he made in Africa: the Central African Mining & Exploration Company (CAMEC) and Hwange Colliery Company Limited.<br />
Rautenbach was introduced to CAMEC and its Chairman Phil Edmonds by his protégé and CAMEC managing director Andrew Groves. Both hail from the former Rhodesia. Consequently, in 2006, Rautenbach became a major shareholder of CAMEC. Rautenbach owned a 20 percent shares in CAMEC following transactions, when he apparently sold mining concessions 467 and 469 (also known as C19 & C21) in Katanga Province, and 50 percent of the cobalt-rich Mukondo operation to CAMEC for stock.<br />
Edmonds, Groves and Rautenbach became embroiled in a row over the shipment of arms to President Robert Mugabe's dictatorial regime in Zimbabwe. Part of the $120m (£60m) payment that Camec made earlier that year for platinum rights in Zimbabwe - and a further $100m loan - have been used to pay for a massive arms cache from China: semi-automatic rifles, small arms and ammunition.<br />
Thanks to the backing of Rautenbach, Edmonds and Groves sold CAMEC for $840 million. Shares tied to Rautenbach remain frozen by the EU. Eurasian Natural Resources Corp. (ENRC) from Khazakstan, which bought Camec for about 584 million pounds ($840 million), is unable to acquire that stock.<br />
After he was declared persona non grata by DRC over CAMEC’s mining deals, Billy Rautenbach has struck agreement with the Zimbabwe’s struggling coal producer Hwange Colliery Company Limited, and Nicholas van Hoogstraten, who own large number of shares in the company. <br />
Nicholas van Hoogstraten is a British businessman and real estate magnate. He is known for his business empire as well as his controversial life story. In 1968, he was convicted and sent to prison for paying a gang to attack a business associate.<br />
In 2002 he was sentenced to prison for 10 years for the manslaughter of a business rival. The verdict was overturned on appeal and he was subsequently released, but in 2005 he was ordered to pay the victim's family £6 million in a civil case.<br />
He has been estimated to be worth £500 million, though he has stated that his assets in the UK have all been placed in the names of his children. His assets in property and farming in Zimbabwe alone are estimated to be worth over £200 million.<br />
It was with Rautenbach's help that the fortunes of Edmonds and Camec rose beyond anyone's expectations in 2006. The company's share price increased by more than 700 per cent in just a year, drawing in blue-chip investors eager to cash in on the boom in mining stocks.<br />
Rautenbach also provided Groves and Edmonds with the protection they needed for their conflict against Israeli Billionaire Dan Gertler, the King pin running Diamond and Cobalt mines in the DRC with strong support from the young Kabila’s regime.<br />
The foursome later reached a truce, which opened the doors for the entrance of Gertler into CAMEC. Fantastic bedfellows.<br />
It was Edmonds, Groves and their new ally Larry Clark who brought Philip Falcone’s Harbinger Capital to the African continent in 2009 by taking control of African Medical Investments, a Medical business around East and Southern Africa. Grove and Edmonds are the infamous duo with a track record to match Rautenbach if not surpass it;<br />
The duo took on the likes of the powerful, Dan Gertler in the DRC and were embroiled in the failed venture in South Sudan through their company, White Nile. They had befriended the South Sudanese leader at the time for Oil concessions and battled against the oil giant TOTAL whom Edmonds labelled as “a French Colonialist company”. No surprise that White Nile lost the illicit oil concessions and a fortune.<br />
Groves and Edmonds also recently tried to oust the Israeli company Engel out of their Liberian Iron ore mining rights through a fraudulent media campaign via their local company, Southern Cross limited, registered in Liberia. Southern Cross is controlled by the duo through their listed company, Sable Mining and managed by N Van Niekerk from South Africa. Sable Mining had to back track its actions after the failed attempt to discredit Engel invest in Liberia in May 2011. Their choice of opponent borders on Anti Semitism.<br />
Allegations have also recently surfaced about the Groves, Edmond and the duo’s bribery of a Liberian minister for mines in exchange for mining rights at Bopulu and Timbo concessions in Liberia. The issue is being investigated by the Liberian authorities and regulators of the London Stock exchange (LSE).<br />
Further illicit actions of the Groves, Edmond duos extend in to neighbouring Sierra Leone where they also acquired Redrock mining company which has had its mining concessions revoked by the Minister for Mines due to fraudulent acquisitions in May 2011.<br />
Enter American Hedge Fund Billionaire, Philip Falcone who took controlling interest in African Medical Investments Plc (AMI) in 2009. AMI was the brainchild of Zimbabwean, Dr Vivek Solanki whom the Groves, Edmonds duo were partners with.<br />
Billionaire Falcone and the Groves, Edmonds duo are currently embroiled in a “David and Goliath” epic battle pitched against the modest Doctor for control of the Medical business in Africa.<br />
Billionaire Falcone had to know about Edmonds and Grove’s lucrative and illicit businesses dealings and links to Rautenbach. Their actions are in the public press. One cannot invest millions to take control of a company without screening your bedfellows.<br />
Falcone furthers his investment by also holding 22 percent stakes in Sable Mining, Groves and Edmonds company mentioned above, and Frank Timis’s African Minerals Ltd., which is developing iron ore in Sierra Leone.<br />
Sable is 22 percent held by Harbinger, 4.5 percent by Eton Park and 4.3 percent by Oppenheimer Funds Inc., according to data compiled by Bloomberg. Groves and Edmonds each have a 0.65 percent interest.<br />
Groves’ claims they split from Rautenbach are questionable, as Sable Mining was recently awarded a coal-mining license by the Zimbabwe government along with Billy Rautenbach’s Clidder, Apex, Nigel Earl’s KW Blasting, and Makomo Investments.<br />
Incrimination on Falcone, Groves and Edmonds also came few days ago after AMI’s ex CEO Dr. Vivek Solanki broke silence and raised further concerns about Falcone’s involvement in Groves and Edmonds affairs and illicit dealings in Africa once more.<br />
Is the American Billionaire, Philip Falcone just along for the ride or is he muscling in on the fast track to acquire African assets to bolster his crumbling American assets?<br />
American Hedge funds, despite their lack of ground experience in Africa want not to be left out of the new Land grab across Africa.<br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.theliberiandialogue.org/articles/c061511tws.htm" saprocessedanchor="true" style="color: #0000cc;" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;"><u>http://www.<wbr></wbr>theliberiandialogue.org/<wbr></wbr>articles/c061511tws.htm</u></span></a></span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-26638895436711645802010-12-06T20:26:00.000-08:002010-12-06T20:45:19.877-08:00Equatorial Guinea's President's Son's $35m Malibu mansion<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEia2_JnR9Tjp2VbHzhQlcEUQwOeGwXFapwV9HjUyXprsBKI70GGlqcLccACYwlrNkNwCv9STt1Nt3PPo2AU060U3DZOnGZZfnXeaeSCTiEoR-DAHKSk817-CEkHgvcivn_4mCVQ2ruh4qN_/s1600/President_Obiang+Malibu.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEia2_JnR9Tjp2VbHzhQlcEUQwOeGwXFapwV9HjUyXprsBKI70GGlqcLccACYwlrNkNwCv9STt1Nt3PPo2AU060U3DZOnGZZfnXeaeSCTiEoR-DAHKSk817-CEkHgvcivn_4mCVQ2ruh4qN_/s400/President_Obiang+Malibu.jpg" width="273" /></a></div>For a man paid less than £3,000 a month, the 16 acres of mansion, designer golf course and sprawling gardens speckled with fountains in Malibu was quite a buy. The views of the ocean alone - never mind the 15,000 sq ft mansion with eight bathrooms, a pool and tennis courts - probably accounted for a good chunk of the $35m (£18m) asking price.<br />
But then Teodoro Nguema Obiang's modest salary as a minister in his father's government in Equatorial Guinea is largely symbolic, just like the elections in which his father is returned to power with 97% of the vote and the distribution of oil revenues in a country with one of the highest per capita incomes on Earth but some of the poorest people.<br />
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Little Teodoro, as President Teodoro Obiang Nguema's son is known at home, appears to spend as little time as possible fulfilling his duties as the minister of agriculture and forestry in the west African state. Instead he flits between South Africa, France and the US, pursuing business ventures such as a failed rap label while acquiring property and a fleet of Ferraris, Lamborghinis and Bentleys - all made possible by the discovery of oil in Equatorial Guinea's waters a decade ago.<br />
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At the time, there was a promise that the country would become the "Kuwait of Africa", but it has increasingly come to look like Nigeria as a few kleptocrats get rich while the masses eke out a living.<br />
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Mr Obiang probably thought his acquisition of the Malibu house through a front company of which he is the owner would slip by largely unnoticed, particularly after there was so little comment about earlier purchases of two houses in Cape Town and a $2m penthouse flat in California. But the British anti-corruption group Global Witness spotted the sale and is publicising it as evidence that the Obiang family has followed in a long tradition of African rulers who plunder their country's wealth while their people live in poverty.<br />
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Seen from the Pacific Coast Highway, Mr Obiang's house doesn't look like much, at least not in the context of the exclusive millionaires' mansions looking out from the cliffs over the Pacific Ocean. "Oh, that's a lovely house," explained Malibu Carl yesterday, watching the surfers next to Malibu pier. "That's a hell of a piece of property right there. It's huge."<br />
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The house is hidden from prying eyes by a sheer bluff and guardhouse. But while $35m may buy a lot of house, it cannot guarantee you privacy. A stroll along Malibu pier reveals arched windows, plain, cream plaster walls and a tiled roof. Royal palm trees line the drive, and the bright red of bougainvillea stands out against the sandy hillside.<br />
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Described as a "playboy", Mr Obiang may be quite interested in meeting his neighbours. Whether they would return the interest seems unlikely. Mel Gibson lives on Serra Road, as does Britney Spears. Olivia Newton John is up there too, and so are Larry Hagman and Titanic director James Cameron. Across the road is the equally exclusive Malibu Colony, the gated community that housed most of Hollywood during the 1970s and 1980s.<br />
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"That's one of the premier estates in Malibu," says a local estate agent. He notes that Cher's house in Malibu recently went on the market at $29m.<br />
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The property belonged to a Canadian developer named Bill Connor. Rumour has it that he sold two years ago for $28m to a Disney executive (some say it was someone from Fox) before its current owner paid $35m at the beginning of this year. "Most of these sales happen very quietly," says the estate agent. "The properties don't usually hit the market."<br />
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President Obiang, who has ruled since seizing power in 1979, has decreed that the management of his country's $3bn a year in oil revenues is a state secret. That is why it is difficult to say for sure exactly how he comes to have about $700m in US bank accounts. But the president's son gave an insight into his salary in an affidavit filed with the Cape high court in South Africa in August, as part of a lawsuit against him over a commercial debt.<br />
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"Cabinet ministers and public servants in Equatorial Guinea are by law allowed to own companies that, in consortium with a foreign company, can bid for government contracts ... A cabinet minister ends up with a sizeable part of the contract price in his bank account," he testified.<br />
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Global Witness wants the US government to invoke a proclamation by President Bush nearly three years ago that bars corrupt foreign officials from entering the US and allows their assets to be seized.<br />
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But Washington is unlikely to move against Mr Obiang when it was so welcoming of his father only last April. The US secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, called President Obiang a "good friend" even though her own department's annual human rights report said officials in Equatorial Guinea use torture.<br />
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Private Jet<br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXp636Qx2GpAvGA6XXAWZxeZ4jzV8K9PFsC0_8KrCh8YuKQ2b8BhEGJbVcvITST8Bku7IyyduiHu_Sw55VCPFbmbmRP7HhGVfyGbaTKPW9YYob-8jFwW8m7eQCv7eU0GCSGFKnf4lesO9Y/s1600/private-jet.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="262" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXp636Qx2GpAvGA6XXAWZxeZ4jzV8K9PFsC0_8KrCh8YuKQ2b8BhEGJbVcvITST8Bku7IyyduiHu_Sw55VCPFbmbmRP7HhGVfyGbaTKPW9YYob-8jFwW8m7eQCv7eU0GCSGFKnf4lesO9Y/s400/private-jet.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br />
Among those on the receiving end have been a group of mercenaries arrested two years ago for attempting to overthrow the regime with the backing of Mark Thatcher.<br />
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Before the oil, relations were not always so friendly. In the mid-1990s the US ambassador to Malabo was withdrawn after the state radio station said he had been spotted conjuring up his ancestors' spirits in a graveyard to put spells on President Obiang. In fact, the ambassador was the son of a Canadian airman and was tending the graves of an RAF bomber crew killed during the second world war.<br />
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But once the oil started flowing, American drillers such as ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco began pouring billions of dollars into the country. The US diplomats were soon back in a very different frame of mind. Today, the $3bn annual oil revenues gives Equatorial Guinea's 520,000 citizens the second highest income in the world at about £26,000 per head.<br />
<br />
But ordinary people see little of it. Most of the population live on less than a pound a day. Equatorial Guinea comes bottom in the United Nations' Human Development Index, which measures quality of life.<br />
<br />
Three years ago, state radio declared that the president is a god who is "in permanent contact with the Almighty" and can "kill anyone without being called to account". But President Obiang is mortal after all: he is suffering from terminal prostate cancer. He has made it known he favours Little Teodoro as his successor.<br />
<br />
Backstory<br />
<br />
The tiny state of Equatorial Guinea, five inhabited islands and a mainland portion of jungle, is one of the smallest in Africa, with 520,000 citizens. In 1979, nine years after independence from Spain, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema seized power, and has been absolute ruler ever since. In the past decade, Equatorial Guinea has become Africa's third largest oil producer. On paper, oil has made its citizens the second wealthiest on the planet. In practice, much of the £370m revenue is grabbed by the president, while most people live on less than a dollar a day. A coup plot was staged in 2004, led by Simon Mann, a friend of Sir Mark Thatcher; the former prime minister's son escaped a claim for millions of pounds in damages when the UK appeal court blocked an attempt by the dictator to sue him. <br />
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<br />
<li class="byline" sizcache="0" sizset="56"><a class="contributor" href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/chrismcgreal"><strong><span style="color: #005689;">Chris McGreal</span></strong></a> in Johannesburg and <a class="contributor" href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/danglaister"><strong><span style="color: #005689;">Dan Glaister</span></strong></a> in Malibu </li><br />
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<li class="publication" sizcache="0" sizset="58"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/theguardian"><span style="color: #005689;">The Guardian</span></a>, <time datetime="2006-11-10" pubdate="">Friday 10 November 2006</time> </li><br />
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<div class="publication" sizcache="0" sizset="58"><br />
</div><div class="publication" sizcache="0" sizset="58">Ruler: Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasongo, Equatorial Guinea </div><br />
<br />
Son: Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue <br />
<br />
Age: 39 <br />
<br />
Bling King: Teodoro Nguema Obiang has a decidedly unflashy title, minister of agriculture and forestry, and a meager official salary -- about $5,000 a month -- in his father's administration, but none of that has kept him from becoming Africa's most glamorous kleptocrat-heir-apparent. The younger Obiang -- nicknamed Teodorín -- owns a $35 million estate in Malibu, California, as well as other properties in Los Angeles, Paris, Buenos Aires, and South Africa. <br />
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His assets (exhaustively chronicled in Harper's) also include a $33.8 million private jet, a fleet of luxury cars, and a small armada of speedboats. He once ran a record label and for a time dated the rapper Eve (she reportedly dumped him when she learned that his father was accused of having once eaten one of his political opponents). <br />
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Bentley<br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjxU1OXpAhZKBxFwAQKdiOVcAYGVN4JEqtdVfGTD_au_jek2tD9wRa-z2aHH_aSt9p91V-pepJCq7AnnZx7Cf67D7lKZhpWI73umVOKkBTSUPAcnwjfvORK0o07_8IxJ-4koq1hbh58IKry/s1600/Bentley.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="298" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjxU1OXpAhZKBxFwAQKdiOVcAYGVN4JEqtdVfGTD_au_jek2tD9wRa-z2aHH_aSt9p91V-pepJCq7AnnZx7Cf67D7lKZhpWI73umVOKkBTSUPAcnwjfvORK0o07_8IxJ-4koq1hbh58IKry/s400/Bentley.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>Last year, the New York Times reported that the U.S. Justice Department had spent several years investigating Teodorín, who investigators suspected of funneling some $73 million in laundered money to the United States through shell companies and offshore bank accounts. His family is spending millions on K Street to rehabilitate its reputation in the United States. <br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4FZ_DbP3YZY_i_Tk6lXuMulI65Ud7D-ErwdJXO47-ZKR_7vNIJMXcxP0QzcFCIr-4ks7xq01Y6fcsxJlLt7zuK8DDpw9AnunRp5QrSSl22CRP0CZROyVNEErOoC6Va84Xvqy9YHK5IX5C/s1600/TeodoroNguemaObiang.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="327" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4FZ_DbP3YZY_i_Tk6lXuMulI65Ud7D-ErwdJXO47-ZKR_7vNIJMXcxP0QzcFCIr-4ks7xq01Y6fcsxJlLt7zuK8DDpw9AnunRp5QrSSl22CRP0CZROyVNEErOoC6Va84Xvqy9YHK5IX5C/s400/TeodoroNguemaObiang.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br />
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Teodorín's playboy habits were once believed to have taken a toll on his political future, leading his harder-working, half-brother Gabriel -- who has the support of other members of the Obiang family, as well as of the international oil companies whose drilling operations provide the regime with most of its wealth -- to encroach on his prospects as the country's next ruler. But Teodorín is rumored to be the elder Obiang's favorite -- no small accomplishment, considering that there are some 40 siblings vying for the attention. <br />
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</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYH8yihwXiewom0yySEg9tpo6yiDU8B4dmwOaTwghXFzImb5i7vyyxYs-9KaH-7NvR1J6DlMvkjBLDaSgcbVIacwlh99WSxMufIvBNa4dAAl4Ki9E5YJpy8eTN6S3NfeXGlEasb830jR1n/s1600/teodoro+obiang+nguema+malibu+mansion.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="261" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYH8yihwXiewom0yySEg9tpo6yiDU8B4dmwOaTwghXFzImb5i7vyyxYs-9KaH-7NvR1J6DlMvkjBLDaSgcbVIacwlh99WSxMufIvBNa4dAAl4Ki9E5YJpy8eTN6S3NfeXGlEasb830jR1n/s400/teodoro+obiang+nguema+malibu+mansion.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>The Millionaire “Minister of Chopping Down Trees”<br />
By Ken Silverstein<br />
<br />
Not even Gabriel Garcia Marquez could have dreamed up Teodorin Nguema Obiang, the skirt-chasing, champagne-swilling, nightclub-hopping, would-be president of oil-rich Equatorial Guinea. Teodorin would be a mere embarrassment if not for the fact that he's the son of the current dictator, Teodoro Obiang, and a strong candidate to succeed his ailing father. <br />
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The Bush Administration has embraced Equatorial Guinea, and State Department officials have even been known to claim (though never for attribution) that Obiang Sr. could be a “model” for African reform. That's like saying Enron could be a model for corporate reform. Obiang was “elected” with 97 percent of the vote in 2002 and is widely deemed to be one of the world's most kleptocratic rulers. Indeed, court papers I've acquired from South Africa show that Teodorin effectively acknowledges that ministers can legally plunder the treasury under his father's rule.<br />
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But first a brief profile of the man who would be king: Teodorin holds a cabinet post—he's the Minister of Forestry, or the “Minister of Chopping Down Trees,” as a recent New York Daily News article called him—but very rarely attends government meetings. That's because he spends most of his time abroad: in Beverly Hills, where he owned a lavish estate, started a music company called TNO, and dated the rapper Eve, who recently dumped him; in New York City, where several years ago he offered $11 million to buy a Fifth Avenue condominium owned by Saudi arms-dealer Adnan Khashoggi, only to be rebuffed by the condo's board; in Paris, where he tools around in a white Rolls Royce; and in South Africa, where he recently has bought several vacation homes. <br />
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Like his father and many other top government officials, Teodorin used to stash part of his loot at Riggs Bank in Washington—until a Senate investigation ignited a scandal that ended the relationship between the bank and Equatorial Guinea. A source familiar with Teodorin's outlandish spending habits told me that Junior would frequently call his personal banker at Riggs with imperious and extravagant demands. One day he'd want arrangements made to fly his friends to Rio for Carnival; on another day he'd need to have a Bentley airfreighted from London to Los Angeles; and on another still he'd demand that a helicopter be immediately dispatched to offload a female companion from a cruise ship because she fallen out of his favor.<br />
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Antony Goldman, a London-based risk analyst specializing in west African oil, has long followed Obiang Jr.'s antics. “Teodorin has many enemies in and outside of Equatorial Guinea but the allegations of impropriety and excess [that surround him] are well documented,” Goldman says. “If even a quarter were close to the truth, it would make him a particularly extraordinary character, and peculiarly ill-equipped to be president.”<br />
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Now a man named George Ehlers, the owner of a South African construction company, is suing the government of Equatorial Guinea. According to several stories in the Sunday Times of Johannesburg, Ehlers signed a contract to develop an airport in Equatorial Guinea seven years ago. But after becoming embroiled in a dispute with a government official, Ehlers had to abandon the project and surreptitiously evacuate his staff, which at one point had been jailed. <br />
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Ehlers was never paid for any of his work, and was forced to leave behind millions of dollars in equipment in Equatorial Guinea. He sued in Cape Town High Court and asked that he be compensated in the form of two homes that Teodorin purchased in the city in 2004 and that are worth a combined $6 million (about half of Equatorial Guinea's annual education budget). Ehlers claimed that while the homes were registered in Teodorin's name, they were purchased with state money and hence formally owned by the Obiang government, with which he had signed the airport deal. <br />
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Teodorin denies that, saying he paid for the homes with his own money and the properties therefore cannot be seized to pay a government debt. The court initially ruled in favor of Ehlers and attached the properties but it is now considering an appeal by Teodorin.<br />
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Either way, the questions remains as to how a humble public servant in Equatorial Guinea, whose official salary is no more than a few thousand dollars a month, could possibly afford to buy such lavish properties. In fact, the Sunday Times reports that the homes apparently “were not fit for the son of the president of one of Africa's most prolific oil-producing countries.” Teodorin's substantial expenditure on renovations and refurbishment included hundreds of thousands of dollars for a home-theater sound system, plasma-screen televisions, and bathrooms replete with spa baths, chrome fittings and marble surfaces. (The newspaper also quoted an unnamed security guard who had worked for Teodorin. The guard said his employer “always had a briefcase filled with cash on hand” and that he spent thousands of dollars on champagne and wining and dining female companions.)<br />
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So how does Teodorin foot the bills? In a notarized affidavit he filed in the case, he sought to explain the source of his income:<br />
<br />
Cabinet Ministers and public servants in Equatorial Guinea are by law allowed to own companies that, in consortium with a foreign company, can bid for government contracts and should the company be successful, then what percentage of the total cost of the contract the company gets will depend on the terms negotiated between the parties. But, in any event, it means that a cabinet minister ends up with a sizable part of the contract price in his bank account.<br />
The only thing that may prevent Teodorin from succeeding his father is intense opposition from other members of the country's tiny ruling circle, who fear that the kooky but menacing Teodorin will become an international laughingstock who will hog billions of dollars of oil spoils, most which is produced by American firms. If he does ascend to the throne, rest assured that the Bush Administration will find a way to justify continued warm ties with its “model” ally.<br />
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<a href="http://harpers.org/archive/2006/10/sb-the-millionaire-minister-1159818882">http://harpers.org/archive/2006/10/sb-the-millionaire-minister-1159818882</a>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-14200735850623063102010-11-30T21:00:00.000-08:002010-11-30T21:00:21.195-08:00Kenya, Africa,Daniel Arap Moi and the looted billions<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJs60qdRr8tNN1erOYXnKggSDOraAxadmonch1JPIhMHvOlGdx-s6gdHcJuNaeKRWbVLWQB5n2BkIvIMZG2XeAS2QyZzWqkaVX97JAG6R7N2t4N7I5kzvB4gfakXI5lpyEiwkDBw0Oomf6/s1600/Daniel+Arap+Moi.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJs60qdRr8tNN1erOYXnKggSDOraAxadmonch1JPIhMHvOlGdx-s6gdHcJuNaeKRWbVLWQB5n2BkIvIMZG2XeAS2QyZzWqkaVX97JAG6R7N2t4N7I5kzvB4gfakXI5lpyEiwkDBw0Oomf6/s400/Daniel+Arap+Moi.jpg" width="281" /></a></div>A post from the Wikileaks mailing list details the looting of that country's coffers by the Daniel Arap Moi regime. It reads like a high-finance political thriller, and what precipitated the leak was the fact that the new president has now gotten into an alliance with Arap Moi and suppressed the report on corruption that it commissioned itself after coming to power on an anti-corruption and good governance ticket.<br />
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The disturbing thing about all this is not the fact that this comes out now, or that it substantiates what many suspected all along, but that this is probably only a small indication of what is really happening on the African continent, and that one need not invoke colonialism and European malice to blame for Africa's problems anymore, since African leaders are capable enough on their own, to destroy their own countries' economies and letting the ordinary people who were tricked into voting for them live in horrible conditions and circumstances.<br />
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We also see the trend emerging in South Africa, the 58 billion rand weapons scandal springs to mind, where the new "liberators" of the country start helping themselves to the taxpayer's resources, seemingly with impunity and with apparent disregard for ethics, morals, laws and common human decency.<br />
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A review of the Mail & Guardian newspaper's headlines over the span of a couple of weeks will normally give an indication of the sick state that the country is in economically, socially, politically, and with leaders refusing to take a stand against Zimbabwe's dictator, their affinity for all things Chinese and their support for Iran to have nuclear capacity, one cannot but have a sense of evil foreboding for the African continent. <br />
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<br />
<br />
Wikileaks news release<br />
Embargoed until 5:00 AM GMT, Friday, August 31, 2007<br />
<br />
The missing Kenyan billions<br />
<br />
Link to Wikileaks: <a href="http://wikileaks.org/">http://wikileaks.org/</a><br />
<br />
Link to Wikileaks analysis <a href="http://wikileaks.org/wiki/The_looting_of_Kenya_under_President_Moi">http://wikileaks.org/wiki/The_looting_of_Kenya_under_President_Moi</a><br />
<br />
Link to information about the leaked document: <a href="http://wikileaks.org/wiki/KTM_report.pdf">http://wikileaks.org/wiki/KTM_report.pdf</a><br />
<br />
Link to the leaked document itself: <a href="http://wikileaks.org/leak/KTM_report.pdf">http://wikileaks.org/leak/KTM_report.pdf</a><br />
<br />
<br />
Attribution should be to "Wikileaks" or "Julian A., Wikileaks' spokesman".<br />
<br />
<br />
NOTE: Wikileaks has not yet publicly "launched". We are open only to<br />
submissions from journalistic and dissident contacts. However given the<br />
political situation in Kenya we feel we would be remiss to withhold<br />
this document any longer.<br />
<br />
Wikileaks: The missing Kenyan billions<br />
<br />
According<br />
to a suppressed U.K corruption report released today by the<br />
whistleblowing site Wikileaks, billions of U.S dollars were looted from<br />
Kenya by former Kenyan President Moi and his associates. The money was<br />
laundered across the world, from million pound properties and shell<br />
companies in London, properties in Newyork and South Africa, and a<br />
10,000 hectare ranch in Australia, to US$200-$700 million laundered via<br />
Swiss bank UBP.<br />
<br />
Countries involved in the laundering operations include:<br />
<br />
Australia,<br />
Belgium, Brunei, Canada, Dubai, Finland, Germany, Grand, Cayman,<br />
Israel, Italy, Japan, Jersey, Leichtenstein, Liberia, Luxembourg,<br />
Malawi, Namibia, the Netherlands, Puerto, Rico, Russia, Somalia, South,<br />
Africa, Sudan, Switzerland, Uganda, the United Kingdom, the United<br />
States and Zaire. (see the Countries index for page references)<br />
<br />
The<br />
intricately detailed report, commissioned by President Kibaki after his<br />
2002 election victory but later suppressed, forensically investigates<br />
corrupt transactions and holdings by several powerful members of the<br />
Kenyan elite.<br />
<br />
The figures in the report sum to billions of U.S<br />
Dollars - comparable in magnitude to the looting of infamous<br />
kleptocrats such as Mobutu (Zaire), Marcos (Philippines), Abacha<br />
(Nigeria), Suharto (Indonesia) and Fujimori (Peru).<br />
<br />
The leaked<br />
material is extremely politically sensitive. Ex-President Moi has<br />
become a key player in political life in Kenya, and is now an essential<br />
pillar in President Kibaki's campaign for re-election in December 2007.<br />
<br />
As<br />
of December 2002, the 24 year rule of Kenya's President Daniel Arap Moi<br />
was ended by the election victory of Mwai Kibaki. Elected on an<br />
anti-corruption platform, it was hoped that President Kibaki would end<br />
grand corruption in Kenya. In January 2003 Kibaki appointed John<br />
Githongo, formerly of Transparency International, as his personal<br />
advisor on Anti Corruption and Good Governance.[1] One of the first<br />
anti-corruption activities of Mr. Githongo on behalf of President<br />
Kibaki was to engage Kroll & Associates (UK), a private<br />
investigation and security firm, to trace and report on what was said<br />
by Transparency International to be over 3 billion US Dollars stashed<br />
abroad, by the former President Moi and his closest associates.[2]<br />
<br />
Close<br />
to half of Kenya's 35 million citizens live under the UN's poverty<br />
level of 1 US dollar a day. If the restitution programme started in<br />
2003 had been completed it would have been possible to get justice for<br />
the tens of millions of Kenyans who live in abject poverty - as the<br />
political elite live as Dollar Millionaires on the proceeds of<br />
corruption.<br />
<br />
The leaked document, dated April 2004, is clearly<br />
self explanatory - being one of the preliminary reports received by the<br />
Government of Kenya (described in the report as the "client"). The<br />
persons stated as "Targets" are President Moi's closest associates and<br />
relatives.<br />
<br />
Contemporaneous media coverage of the time reveals a<br />
determination by the Kibaki government to trace and seize the foreign<br />
assets of Moi's associates.[3] However at some point in May 2004, the<br />
Kibaki government itself suffered a credibility blow when several of<br />
the President's closest advisors were implicated in a 777 million US<br />
Dollar corruption scandal known as the Anglo Leasing scandal. The<br />
fallout of this scandal resulted in the gradual sidelining and eventual<br />
exile in the UK (in January 2005) of John Githongo after threats to his<br />
life.[4] The anti-corruption czar had lost the support of the Kenyan<br />
President. It was at this point that the Government dropped its<br />
international asset tracing and recovery efforts. It is believed it was<br />
at this point that the Kroll Report on Moi and his associates was<br />
suppressed.<br />
<br />
On August 28th 2007, about 100 days before the<br />
forthcoming Presidential election, President Kibaki's re-election<br />
campaign received the formal endorsement of his predecessor, Daniel<br />
Moi.[5] Ex-President Moi's influence over Kibaki's regime is obvious<br />
and also evidenced by his recent appointment as a Personal Peace Envoy<br />
of Kibaki to the Sudan.[6]<br />
<br />
None of the assets traced and<br />
identified by Kroll have been impounded and Moi and his associates are<br />
experiencing a resurgence in political clout. Among these assets are a<br />
bank in Belgium, hotels and residences in the USA, UK, South Africa,<br />
Namibia and as far away as Australia, a 10% shareholding in Kenya's<br />
most successful telecommunications company (a joint venture with<br />
Vodafone PLC of the UK) and massive real estate and agricultural<br />
investments.<br />
<br />
The leak which emanated from within high levels of<br />
the Kenyan Government is motivated by the desire to demonstrate that<br />
President Kibaki has clear-cut evidence of his predecessor's corruption<br />
and complicity in corruption, and has chosen to suppress the evidence<br />
and worse still has gone into a political and economic alliance with<br />
the Moi group.<br />
<br />
A second motivation is the sheer scale of the<br />
theft of public funds by Moi and his associates. The figures in the<br />
report run into (if added up) the billions of US Dollars - comparable<br />
in magnitude to the looting of other infamous kleptocrats such as<br />
Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines, Sani<br />
Abacha of Nigeria, Suharto of Indonesia and Alberto Fujimori of Peru.<br />
<br />
The<br />
leaked material is extremely politically sensitive. Ex-President Moi, a<br />
corrupt, brutal, discredited former dictator, has somehow again become<br />
a key player in political life in Kenya - so much, that he is now an<br />
essential pillar in current President Kibaki's re-election campaign.<br />
His massive financial resources are expected to be used to buy Kibaki<br />
popular support particularly in the populous Rift Valley region, which<br />
voted almost to the man against Kibaki in the last election, and in<br />
November 2005 during a constitutional referendum. The leaker thinks the<br />
re-emergence of President Moi is scandalous and must be stopped.<br />
<br />
The<br />
leak will certainly interest the Kenyan media, for whom this report<br />
represents a grail of sorts. Kenya's large international press corps<br />
will also be an interested audience. With a Presidential election only<br />
a few months away, the report comes to light at a critical time.<br />
The leaked report's author: Kroll Associates UK Limited<br />
<br />
Kroll<br />
Associates UK Limited is a limited liability company incorporated in<br />
England (registered number 2020412) whose registered office is at 10<br />
Fleet Place, London, United Kingdom EC4M 7RB. Its father company Kroll<br />
Inc., headquartered in New York, US is a private investigation and<br />
security consulting firm founded by Jules B. Kroll in 1972. It provides<br />
corporate risk consulting services including financial advisory and<br />
investigations, identity fraud solutions, background screening,<br />
forensic accounting, bodyguard services, corporate restructuring, and<br />
security technology services. The company is now a subsidiary of Marsh<br />
& McLennan Companies who aquired it in July 2004.<br />
<br />
The US government and the weapons industry is a major permanent contractor of the Kroll Inc.<br />
<br />
Kroll was also responsible for security of the World Trade Center site until it was destroyed in the 9/11 terrorist attacks.<br />
<br />
In<br />
October 2004, the Brasil offices of Kroll Inc. were raided by the<br />
police because of alleged spying activities on the government. The<br />
company was originally reported to have been hired by the Brazilian<br />
investment firm Opportunity to investigate Telecom Italia, with whom it<br />
has been battling to gain control of Brasil Telecom, one of Brasil's<br />
largest telephone companies. Other notable cases include the corporate<br />
restructuring of Enron after its 2001 accounting scandal, the law<br />
enforcement monitoring of Los Angeles Police Department in a US federal<br />
consent decree mandating major reforms designed to end corruption and<br />
abuse.<br />
<br />
Kroll was involved in investigating other Kenyan corruption scandals, such as the so-called Anglo-Leasing Scandal.[7]<br />
About the report<br />
<br />
The<br />
leaked report is 106 pages long and contains several sections:<br />
executive summary (1-10), source enquiries (11-54), business associates<br />
and front men (55-76), and appendix (77-106).[8] The executive summary<br />
outlines the most suspicious financial transactions, properties and<br />
business links discovered in its investigation. A series of additional<br />
enquiries is proposed. The following sections proceed in intricate<br />
detail, investigating the background, 'modus operandi', business links,<br />
financial transactions, business associates, and property holdings, all<br />
around the world, of several powerful members of Kenyan society linked<br />
to Daniel arap Moi. They include, among others:<br />
<br />
* Joshua Kulei,<br />
Mr. Moi's former personal assistant, on whom travel restrictions were<br />
imposed as a result of a previous corruption scandal, the Goldenberg<br />
affair.[9]<br />
* Gideon Moi, son of Daniel arap Moi and a current member of parliament.[10]<br />
<br />
* Nicholas Biwott, a wealthy Kenyan businessman and politician,<br />
previously linked to a number of crimes and corruption scandals though<br />
never convicted.[11]<br />
* Philip Moi, son of Daniel arap Moi. <br />
<br />
The report is highly verifiable. Kroll UK, Transparency International, John Githongo, and http://www.marskenya.org,<br />
a Kenyan website that documents grand corruption incidents, are<br />
suggested for full or partial corroboration and the document appears<br />
consistent with the public record.<br />
KTM report country index<br />
<br />
Countries<br />
involved in the holdings, transactions and other links of Moi's<br />
associates, as detailed in the leaked document are listed below,<br />
together with a reference to the relevant page of leak:KTM_report.pdf.<br />
Australia<br />
<br />
* Target 3's wife lived in Australia (page 15)<br />
* Biwott's investment with commercial interests in Australia (page 39)<br />
* Biwott / Ownership of a 10.000 hectare ranch (page 40)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Directorship of two companies (page 65)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Shantilal Brother (Australia) Pty Ltd (page 85)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / South Austral Pty Ltd (page 86) <br />
<br />
Belgium<br />
<br />
* Biwott / Moi (joint?) ownership of Banque Belolaise (page 47)<br />
* Team Simoco / Simens International / Siemens Atea, the Belgian branch (page 104) <br />
<br />
Brunei<br />
<br />
* Philip is a close friend of Prince Hamid of Brunei (page 57)<br />
* Moi's family has invested heavily through Prince Hamid (page 57)<br />
* Philip's wife and children were planning to spend Christmas 2003 vacation in Brunei (page 57) <br />
<br />
Canada<br />
<br />
* Charles Field-Marshal / Biwott's son in law, manager Yaya Center / canadian citizenship and present residence (page 53) <br />
<br />
Dubai<br />
<br />
* Saimon Roadrekearek of Allen & Overy (page 33)<br />
* Gideon telephone call to Mukesh (page 36) <br />
<br />
Finland<br />
<br />
* Public sector related fraud / Generators from Finland (page 110) <br />
<br />
Germany<br />
<br />
* Solomon Muthamia / Biwott's funds channelled to bank accounts in Germany (page 45)<br />
* PAB / Aslam / Biwott's money recycles through unidentified German bank (page 46)<br />
* Team Simoco / Siemens International / Siemens Group (page 104)<br />
* Proceeds of Turkwell Gorge Hydro-Electric Dam Project / Unidentified banks (page 108) <br />
<br />
Frankfurt<br />
<br />
* $200 million laundered via (page 8) <br />
<br />
Grand Cayman<br />
<br />
* Gideon / Ken Boit (page 32) <br />
<br />
Israel<br />
<br />
* Biwott's investment with commercial interests (page 39)<br />
* Zeevi's present residence / under investigation (page 48)<br />
<br />
* Danny Vardi / Israeli national, former Israeli Defence Force, an<br />
advidor to the Israeli government of natural gaz projects (page 54)<br />
* David Bartknowski / Israeli national, Gad Zeevi's former CFO (page 54) <br />
<br />
Italy<br />
<br />
* Philip Moi / property ownership (page 55)<br />
* Zara/Rosanna Moi / Philip's Italian wife / numerous bank operations (page 57)<br />
* Zara/Rosanna Moi travelled from Italy to Leichtenstein and Switzerland (page 57)<br />
* Zara/Rosanna Moi is relatively unknown, so Philip prefers to use her as his 'Italian connection' (page 58)<br />
* Philip refuses to visit Italy, uses Dr. Cliemente to recover money (page 58)<br />
* Mrs Moi was visiting Italy to meet Dr. Cliemente to discuss money (page 58)<br />
* Philip provided cover to Italian families dealing with drugs in Malindi (page 59) <br />
<br />
Japan<br />
<br />
* Naushad Merali / contract secured to supply Daihatsu 4x4s to government parastatals (page 49) <br />
<br />
Jersey<br />
<br />
* Millions held (page 8) <br />
<br />
Leichtenstein<br />
<br />
* Zara/Rosanna Moi made visits to Leichtenstein (page 57) <br />
<br />
Liberia<br />
<br />
* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59) <br />
<br />
Luxembourg<br />
<br />
* Kulei / Moi / Gideon / CitiCorp / CitiBank / UBP (page 33) <br />
<br />
Malawi<br />
<br />
* Tobacco farm owned by Gideon (page 31)<br />
* Gideon's meeting with Habinder Singh Sethi (page 37) <br />
<br />
Namibia<br />
<br />
* President Sam Nujoma (page 13)<br />
* Meeting with President Nujoma (page 29) <br />
<br />
Netherlands<br />
<br />
* Team Simoco / Background / Philips Electronics N.V. (page 102) <br />
<br />
Puerto Rico<br />
<br />
* Moi / Biwott / Zeevi's investment in oil refineries (page 48) <br />
<br />
Russia<br />
<br />
* Zeevi / Chernoy corrupt dealings <br />
<br />
Somalia<br />
<br />
* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59) <br />
<br />
South Africa<br />
<br />
* 74 closed corporations under the name of Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 10)<br />
* Gideon (page 13)<br />
* Kulei has property interests (page 23)<br />
* 74 closed corporations under the name of Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 32)<br />
* Gideon / Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 33)<br />
* Sethi holds many of Gideon's assets, a ranch (page 37)<br />
* Sethi flew the Moi's carrying cases of dollars (page 37)<br />
* Gideon / Kiplagat / sale of $650,000 Durban-based residential property (page 38)<br />
* Harbinder Singh Sethi / resident in Sandton, Johannesburg (page 65)<br />
* Harbinder Singh Sethi / property (pages 66-67)<br />
* Sethi / 'member' of 74 closed corporations (pages 68-71) <br />
<br />
Sudan<br />
<br />
* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59) <br />
<br />
Switzerland<br />
<br />
* $200 million laundered via UBP. (page 8)<br />
* Geneva launder Gabriel Moussa Katri (page 8)<br />
* $100-$500 million laundered via UBP (page 8)<br />
* Transfer orchestrated by Mukesh Gohil (page 8)<br />
* Credit Swiss / Sandhurt Matrix / Dr Clemente / Garian Investments (page 9)<br />
* Gabriel Moussa Katri's $200 million launder / UBP (page 24, 25)<br />
* PAB / Aslam / Biwott's money recycles through unidentified Swiss bank (page 46)<br />
* Zeevi and Biwott's accounts Credit Suisse in Geneva and Citiban in Zurich (page 46)<br />
* Zeevi / $12 million credit from Credit Suisse (page 46)<br />
* Biwott / significant amount of money moved from Banque Cantonale Vaudoise (page 46)<br />
* Philip Moi / lost US$15 million process paid through account held at Credit Suisse, Zurich (page 57)<br />
* Zara/Rosanna Moi visited Lugano in Ticino, a remote area but with over 100 banks (page 57)<br />
* 'Not surprising' that Zara should visit Lugano, since major international drug barons favor this destination (page 58)<br />
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Banque Patrimoines Prives Geneve BPG SA (pages 89-90)<br />
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Discount Bank and Trust Company "The Recanati Bank" (pages 90-91)<br />
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Union Bancaire Privee (pages 91-92)<br />
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Banque Privee de Rothschild S.A. (pages 92-93) <br />
<br />
Uganda<br />
<br />
* Ownership of petrol stations operated through Kenol-Kobil (page 40)<br />
* Biwott expelled in 1972 (page 48)<br />
* Damani Harshad / Article in 'The Monitor' / Ugandan individual (page 79) <br />
<br />
United Kingdom<br />
<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Citibank (page 9)<br />
* HSBC / Standard Chartered PLC / Barclays (page 10, 56)<br />
* 6.5 million pounds laundered into Surrey and Knightsbridge (page 10)<br />
* Sovereign Group Ltd / Sovereign holdings (page 11)<br />
* Hotels in London (page 13)<br />
* Kulei and Moi properties in Surrey (page 22)<br />
* Broadlands Overseas S.A (page 22)<br />
* Lowdnes Square London (page 22)<br />
* Kulei stock brokers (page 27)<br />
* Gideon / Mukesh Gohil properties in London (page 31)<br />
* 550 million pounds laundered via Citibank (page 32)<br />
* Mukesh / Gideon holdings in London (page 32)<br />
* Chales Field-Marsham / code-sharing arrangement with British Airways (page 41)<br />
* Rayner / resident in the UK (page 44)<br />
* Solomon Muthamia / Biwott's funds channelled to bank accounts in UK (page 45)<br />
* Field Marsham / work in an international investment bank in London (page 53)<br />
* Philip Moi / issue cheques for the purchase of equipment for manufacturing cooking fat (page 56)<br />
* Philip Moi / used HSBC account to buy equipment for Cut Tobacco Ltd. (page 56)<br />
* Philip Moi / signed b $500000 Barclays Bank cheques for and behalf of Gateway Properties Inc (page 56)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Properties in Middlesex, Bedfordshire and Leicestershire (pages 61-64)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Directorship of 3 companies (pages 64-65)<br />
* Sethi / former directorships of 3 companies (page 67)<br />
* Naushad Noorali Merali / Directorships in 2 companies (page 73)<br />
* Merali / Holdings in several companies (pages 73-74)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / Two properties in Middlesex and Surrey (pages 75-76)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / Director of 6 companies (pages 76-78)<br />
* Vaju Pattni / KP's brother is in London, travels to Birmingham, Manchester (page 79)<br />
* Vaju Pattni / Property in Sudbury US$1m (page 79)<br />
* Damani Harshad / Located in Hertfordshire (page 79)<br />
* Damani Harshad / Director of company (page 80)<br />
* Hema Damani / Director of company (page 80)<br />
* Vaju Pattni / Property searches (pages 80-81)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Armada Services Ltd (page 84)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Technology 4 All Ltd (page 84)<br />
* Mukesh Gohil / Aandatta Ltd (page 85)<br />
* Harbinder Sethi / BasicStone Ltd (pages 86-87)<br />
* Harbinder Sethi / Canray Ltd (pages 87-88)<br />
* Harbinder Sethi / Hollywood Electronics Ltd (pages 88-89)<br />
* Naushad Merali / W.P.H Kenya Tea Ltd (page 94)<br />
* Naushad Merali / Overseas International Telecommunications Ltd (pages 94-95)<br />
* Akber Esmail / Steel Brothers and Company (pages 95-97)<br />
* Horatius da Gama Rose / Symphony Global Technologies Plc (page 97)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / Octogen Ltd (pages 97-98)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / Riverton Securities Ltd (page 98)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / Deonberry Finance Ltd (pages 98-99)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / Ashym Properties Ltd (pages 99-100)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / L Thomas & Company Ltd (page 100)<br />
* Rohit Pattni / Fairoak Investments Ltd (pages 100-101)<br />
* Team Simoco / Corporate records listing (pages 103-104)<br />
* Team Simoco / Team Communications / Company listings (page 104)<br />
* Proceeds of Turkwell Gorge Hydro-Electric Dam Project / Unidentified banks (page 108) <br />
<br />
United States<br />
<br />
* Properties held (page 11)<br />
* Kulei / Terer Kulei owns several properties in NY (page 23, 26)<br />
* Alnoor Kassam / Zeevi agreement of sale of Trade Bank in NY (page 51)<br />
* Field Marsham / work in an international investment bank in NY (page 53) <br />
<br />
Zaire<br />
<br />
* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59) <br />
<br />
Notes & References<br />
<br />
<br />
1. b Githongo's courageous whistleblowing actions have been the<br />
subject of much international media attention. See, for instance, John<br />
Githongo's page on this wiki, and a profile in the New Statesman from<br />
February 2006, available at <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/200602060018">http://www.newstatesman.com/200602060018</a>.<br />
<br />
2. b See, for instance, 'State Changes Tune on Looted Billions Abroad', <a href="http://www.globalpolicy.org/nations/launder/regions/2005/0519tune.htm">http://www.globalpolicy.org/nations/launder/regions/2005/0519tune.htm</a>,<br />
<br />
May 19, 2005, written as the investigation was wound down by the Kenyan<br />
government. Kroll also played a role in the investigations of the Anglo<br />
Leasing investigations, see e.g.'Githongo secret diary', http://allafrica.com/stories/200601240569.html.<br />
3. b See, e.g., in Time Magazine's article on Githongo, <a href="http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,901060306-1167713-1,00.html">http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,901060306-1167713-1,00.html</a><br />
:<br />
'Githongo's crusade started at a time of great hope. In 2002, Mwai<br />
Kibaki, head of the National Rainbow Coalition, won the presidency,<br />
promising an end to corruption as "a way of life."'<br />
4. b See, e.g., 'Kenya's anti-graft czar resigns', http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4243619.stm, and 'Kenya graft fighter 'threatened, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4249679.stm.<br />
5. b 'Kenya: What Moi-Kibaki Alliance Means', http://allafrica.com/stories/200708281270.html.<br />
6. b 'Kenya: Kibaki Appoints Moi Peace Envoy', http://allafrica.com/stories/200707250755.html.<br />
7. b As documented by Githongo himself: see 'Githongo secret diary', http://allafrica.com/stories/200601240569.html.<br />
<br />
8. b The table of contents is not easy to follow and does not make<br />
this clear, but there are 'sectioning' pages. It is a 'consolidated<br />
report', perhaps consolidating smaller reports. There are duplicate<br />
sections for some individuals investigated. The table of contents<br />
refers to an 'Introduction' section, which apparently has been redacted.<br />
9. b See, e.g., http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldenberg_scandal#Travel_restrictions and <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4711546.stm">http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4711546.stm</a>.<br />
<br />
10. b See, e.g., <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gideon_Moi">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gideon_Moi</a>.<br />
<br />
11. b See, e.g., <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicholas_Biwott">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicholas_Biwott</a> <br />
and <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/200503020867.html">http://allafrica.com/stories/200503020867.html</a>.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-65836344464644726872010-11-30T20:48:00.000-08:002010-11-30T20:52:55.540-08:00Zimbabwe's Mugabe & Cronies Main Beneficiaries of Land Reform - Report<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgKDgCUGn9ytatx6U2CyXl-eehQPEVCX01NzGz4f_UNQdF8ht4jkEQljLzNyz2gtfSMOMLLFx_bMTjCQQJVL-yicP-v81PY8kG0AC-MxYAFNddmghCLgJrlPL479KfEd-XPhNOxZHl7Bvbu/s1600/314121363_4938d04125.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="480" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgKDgCUGn9ytatx6U2CyXl-eehQPEVCX01NzGz4f_UNQdF8ht4jkEQljLzNyz2gtfSMOMLLFx_bMTjCQQJVL-yicP-v81PY8kG0AC-MxYAFNddmghCLgJrlPL479KfEd-XPhNOxZHl7Bvbu/s640/314121363_4938d04125.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>President Robert Mugabe, top officials of his ZANU-PF party, senior military officers and judges have been the main beneficiaries of land reform with 5 million hectares of land among them<br />
<br />
The Commercial Farmers Union of Zimbabwe said Tuesday that it is examining avenues of appeal following the dismissal late last week by Supreme Court Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku of its application seeking an end to new farm seizures.<br />
<br />
Commercial Farmers Union President Deon Theron said the group's only hope now was to appeal to the Namibian-based Southern African Development Community tribunal.<br />
<br />
But approaching the tribunal could be futile at least in the near term as the ZANU-PF side of the Harare government has dismissed a 2008 SADC ruling ordering Harare to compensate white farmers who had lost land through often-violent farm takeovers.<br />
<br />
Theron told VOA reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that commercial farmers were disappointed with the ruling, in effect a green light for seizures of the white-owned farms that have not yet been taken over - a few hundred compared with several thousand before 2000.<br />
<br />
Meanwhile, Web-based news agency ZimOnline reported that President Robert Mugabe, top officials of his ZANU-PF party, senior military officers and judges have been the main beneficiaries of land reform with 5 million hectares of land among them.<br />
<br />
ZimOnline reported that about 2,200 people now control almost half of the most fertile land seized from white commercial farmers. It said President Mugabe and his wife Grace own 14 farms accounting for a total of nearly 16,000 hectares of land.<br />
<br />
The Web news agency said seven are in Mr. Mugabe's home province of Mashonaland West and the rest are in Mashonaland Central province.<br />
<br />
Vice President Joyce Mujuru, her husband Solomon and their relatives own at least 25 farms for a combined land area of 105,000 hectares.<br />
<br />
Other multiple farm owners include Vice President John Nkomo. Properties he controls include the Jijima wildlife sanctuary, which he seized from a black commercial farmer.<br />
<br />
ZimOnline Editor Abel Mutsakani told VOA Studio 7 reporter Patience Rusere that only 150,000 ordinary Zimbabwean have benefited from the land reform program, and that most of them received between 10 and 50 hectares of land.<br />
<br />
Former CFU president Trevor Gifford said the ZimOnline report shows that land reform was intended to benefit the few at the expense of ordinary black Zimbabweans.<br />
<br />
LIST OF ZIMBABWE’S TOP FARM OWNERS<br />
*The list is not exhaustive as district land officers who have the knowledge of farm owners in any given district were in some cases unwilling to disclose such details for fear of possible reprisals. <br />
<br />
NAME FARM SIZE AREA<br />
<br />
<br />
R. MUGABE Gushungo Estates 4046ha Darwendale<br />
<br />
Gushungo Dairies 1000ha Mazowe<br />
Iron MasK 1046ha Mazowe<br />
Sigaru Farm 873ha Mazowe<br />
Gwebi Wood 1200ha Mazowe <br />
Gwina Farm 1445ha Banket<br />
Leverdale Farm1488ha Mazowe <br />
Highfield 445ha Norton<br />
Cressydale Estate676ha Norton<br />
Tankatara 575ha Norton<br />
Clifford 1050ha Norton<br />
John O’Groat Farm760h Norton<br />
Bassiville 1200ha Mazowe<br />
<br />
<br />
S & M. MUJURU Alamein Farm 1300ha Beatrice <br />
<br />
JOHN NKOMO Gijima Lodge xxx Hwange <br />
<br />
SIMON KHAYA MOYO Marula Block 36 2034ha Bulilamangwe<br />
<br />
<br />
CABINET MINISTERS<br />
Joseph Made Tara Farm 840ha Odzi <br />
Emmerson Mnangagwa Sherwood Farm 1600ha Kwekwe <br />
Francis Nhema Nyamanda 1000ha Karoi<br />
Stanislaus Mudenge Chikore Farm 760ha Masvingo<br />
Kembo Mohadi Jopembe Block 3000ha Beitbridge<br />
Benlynian Range 3200ha Beitbridge <br />
<br />
Patrick Chinamasa Tsukumai 800ha Headlands<br />
Nyamazura 1260ha Rusape<br />
Hebert Murerwa Rise Holm 1100ha Arcturus<br />
<br />
Ignatius Chombo Allan Grange 3000ha Banket <br />
Oldham 400ha Chegutu<br />
Shingwiri 1600ha Chegutu<br />
Webster Shamu Lambourne Farm 1340ha Selous <br />
Tobacco Estate 900ha Chegutu<br />
Obert Mpofu Young Farm 2300ha Nyamandlovu <br />
Umguza Block 39, 40, 41 6200ha Umguza<br />
Auchenberg 1026ha Nyamandlovu<br />
Sithembiso Nyoni Fountain Farm 3100ha Insiza<br />
Walter Mzembi BW Farm 720ha Masvingo <br />
<br />
Nicholas Goche Ceres Farm xxx Shamva<br />
<br />
Savior Kasukuwere Conucorpia Farm 100ha Mazowe <br />
Harmony Farm 500ha Mazowe <br />
Didymus Mutasa <br />
<br />
Sydney Sekeramayi Maganga Farm 620ha Marondera<br />
Edna Madzongwe Aitape Farm 2000ha Chegutu<br />
Coburn Estates Plot 13A560ha Chegutu<br />
Bourne Farm 445ha Chegutu<br />
Mpofu Farm 1200ha Chegutu<br />
Stockdale Farm 750ha Chegutu <br />
Reyden Farm 1340ha<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
SECURITY SERVICES<br />
Constantine Chiwenga Chakoma Estates 1276ha Goromonzi<br />
Perence Shiri Bamboo Creek 1950ha Shamva <br />
Eirin Farm 1460ha Marondera<br />
Augustine Chihuri Woodlands Farm xxx Shamva<br />
Paradzayi Zimondi Upton Farm 1029ha Goromonzi<br />
Happyton Bonyongwe Thetford Farm <br />
<br />
Henry Muchena Serui Drift 1500ha Chegutu <br />
Abu Basutu Swallowfork Ranch 2711ha West Nicholson <br />
Elson Moyo Daisy Farm 1600ha Chegutu<br />
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JUDGES<br />
Godfrey Chidyausiku Estes Park 895ha Concession<br />
Luke Malaba Marula Block 35 1866ha Bulilamangwe<br />
Paddington Garwe Faun Farm 760ha Chegutu<br />
Antonia Guvava Harndale Farm 1000ha Chegutu<br />
Mafios Cheda Marula Block 37 3039ha Bulilamangwe<br />
Ben Hlatshwayo Kent Estate 800ha Norton <br />
Charles Hungwe Little England 6956ha Makonde<br />
Chitakunye Alfias The Grange 1300ha Chegutu<br />
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PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS<br />
David Karimanzira Arcadia Farm 1300ha Marondera<br />
Cain Mathema Gwayi Ranch 4600ha Gwayi<br />
Umguza Block 3700ha Umguza <br />
Chris Mushohwe Kondozi Farm 400ha Odzi<br />
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Titus Maluleke Clipshap Farm 3000ha Masvingo <br />
Thokozile Mathutu Dete Valley Farm 2800ha Dete<br />
Anthonia Extension6500ha Umguza<br />
Angeline Masuku Wollendale Farm 3000ha Gwanda<br />
Cephas Msipa Cheshire Farm 2100ha Gweru <br />
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ZANU-PF/GOVT HIGH RANKING OFFICIAL<br />
Reward Marufu Leopards Vlei 1294ha Glendale <br />
Kachere Farm 880ha Mazowe<br />
Sabina Mugabe Mlembwe Farm 1037ha Makonde<br />
Longwood Farm 924ha Makonde<br />
Gowrie Farm 430ha Norton<br />
Leo Mugabe Diandra 815ha Darwandale<br />
Nangadza 1200ha Mhangura<br />
Journey’s End 3000ha Makonde<br />
Patrick Zhuwao Marivale Farm 244ha Mazowe<br />
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George Charamba Battlefields 02 1572ha Kwekwe<br />
Nathan Shamuyarira Mt Carmel xxx Chegutu<br />
Bright Matonga Lions Vlei 2000ha Chegutu<br />
Amos Midzi Magudu Ranch 10701ha Chiredzi<br />
Dick Mafios Insingizi Farm 1100ha Bindura<br />
Melfort 554ha Mazowe<br />
Joseph Chinotimba Watakai 1240ha Mazowe<br />
Happison Muchechetere Burry Hill Estate 617ha Makonde<br />
Tobaiwa Mudede Ballineety 3147ha Nyabira <br />
Austin Zvoma Chinomwe Estates 1432ha Makonde <br />
Mariyawanda Nzuwa Stella Burton 425ha Mazowe <br />
David Parirenyatwa Rudolphia 802ha Murewa<br />
Charles Utete Rudzimi 3350ha Lomagundi<br />
Paddy Zhanda Chipfumbi Meadows1364ha GoromonziUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-9266902175384333202010-11-30T19:33:00.000-08:002010-12-03T17:27:03.296-08:00Andrew Cranswick charged with minerals fraud in Zimbabwe<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2wYMtMfI_jCRLE6sOle4g8HX7MvxKyTlWCjM7sjFFuMW-CX1iudEBMglTdyO1Mi2axEK8JFJnu6pW7_FkW4Vn3kNbOnC3J3gFypdRRfoZg519fguUta2Kop0S5Yh_eB4nJ7qE5HtzF9FS/s1600/Andrew_Cranswick_ACR_Chief_300x144_465187899.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="153" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2wYMtMfI_jCRLE6sOle4g8HX7MvxKyTlWCjM7sjFFuMW-CX1iudEBMglTdyO1Mi2axEK8JFJnu6pW7_FkW4Vn3kNbOnC3J3gFypdRRfoZg519fguUta2Kop0S5Yh_eB4nJ7qE5HtzF9FS/s320/Andrew_Cranswick_ACR_Chief_300x144_465187899.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>The financial affairs of Andrew Cranswick are complex to say the least, writes Ben Butler. <br />
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ANDREW Cranswick is not your typical bankrupt. In Zimbabwe, his home country, he is fighting the brutal regime of Robert Mugabe for the right to mine diamonds. In London, he is the chief executive of a listed resources company. His former wife is in Perth, as is his bank account and his yacht club membership. His income comes from Mauritius.<br />
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And then there's the ''hell of a secret'' African precious metals trading, not to mention the former business partner who stole a helicopter.<br />
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The financial affairs of Cranswick, bankrupted by the Taxation Office last month over a $1.1 million tax bill, are complex to say the least. They revolve around a company called Adonis Investments, originally run from the British Channel Islands but now based in Mauritius.<br />
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Advertisement: Story continues below Adonis holds some of Cranswick's 2.7 per cent stake in London Stock Exchange-listed African Consolidated Resources, where Cranswick is still chief executive, despite the Australian bankruptcy order.<br />
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But during an interview with ATO investigators in April last year - before he left Australia, never to return - Cranswick explained that Adonis does much more than just hold his stock and collect his wages.<br />
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A transcript of the interview, tendered in evidence by the ATO as part of Federal Court bankruptcy proceedings, shows Cranswick said Adonis also acted as a means of avoiding strict African currency exchange controls while trading currency and precious metals between African nations and Dubai.<br />
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''Obviously to those authorities, it's got to be a hell of a secret,'' Cranswick told ATO auditors Robert Dimitrovski, Glenn Lucy and Adriel Creta. Metals were ''traded on quite a large scale'', he said. ''Mostly silver and gold and a bit of cobalt and copper … where the broker was … a legit firm, a big firm in Dubai called ARY - ARY Refineries, if you want to put that down.''<br />
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This appears to be a reference to one of Dubai's biggest gold traders, ARY Traders, run by Pakistani businessman Abdul Razzak Yaqoob.<br />
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''They don't know Zambia, Zimbabwe, Congo, Mozambique, and how to find people and how to operate on the ground,'' Cranswick told ATO investigators.<br />
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''It's - for people who have never been there - it's quite nerve-racking.''<br />
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In addition, Adonis acted as a nominee company for an additional ''30, 40, 50'' people, Cranswick said.<br />
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He said he reaped a 25 per cent share of any profit from business he introduced to ''the guy who runs it'', Tony Csaszar, a Mauritian or South African resident.<br />
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''If there's a transaction - let's say someone in Zimbabwe says, 'OK, listen. I need to get money out of the country,' I introduce them to Tony,'' Cranswick said.<br />
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''I say, ''This is the chap. He wants to send it to the UK,'' or Australia or whatever the case may be, and then Tony negotiates with him.<br />
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''OK? And he copies me in on what he's done.''<br />
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Investigators also grilled Cranswick about his investment in a West Australian cattle station, Moola Bulla. He was part of a syndicate that bought the station for a reported $18 million in 2001 after a sale to Fitzroy Crossing cattle baron Peter Camm fell through because he was facing charges of cattle stealing (Camm was later given a four-year suspended sentence).<br />
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The Moola Bulla deal was initially put together using a complex structure devised by Perth tax adviser Greg Dunn, a target of Operation Wickenby, the federal government taskforce investigating offshore tax evasion.<br />
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Cranswick's then lawyer, Peter Lark, told investigators that Perth lawyer Michael Lurie, whose name is misspelled in the transcript as ''Louie'', was also involved.<br />
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''There's an email on my files from Michael saying, 'We haven't yet worked out how the money comes back,' whatever that means,'' Lark told investigators.<br />
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Lark said he advised Cranswick and the other investors ''to abandon the arrangement. And my advice was to pay the fee and get away from it, which they did.''<br />
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He said the group, which eventually sold out to Great Southern in 2006 in a deal reportedly worth more than $30 million, ''had their own internal problems''.<br />
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''One of the guys stole a helicopter in the middle of the whole thing,'' Lark told the ATO investigators. ''He went to jail.''<br />
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Lark, who according to court documents no longer represents Cranswick, told BusinessDay he could not comment because of legal ethical rules.<br />
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Cranswick told investigators he was a resident of Zimbabwe, but had not paid any tax there because the system had<br />
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''completely broken down'' due to hyperinflation.<br />
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He said he had paid some tax in Britain but had not paid Australian tax since 2004, because he was not an Australian resident.<br />
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The ATO wanted more information, and in an email to the ATO's Glenn Lucy sent in June last year, Cranswick said he had started compiling documents requested by investigators, many of which were in Africa.<br />
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He said he was leaving for Africa late the following night, June 9, and asked Lucy to ensure ''that there are no impediments to my exit at Immigration and Customs''.<br />
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During his interview Cranswick had said he would be ''coming back on June 22 for at least 10 days''.<br />
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He has not since returned to Australia.<br />
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Despite his absence, Perth Federal Court Justice Neil McKerracher ordered him bankrupted on October 27, appointing Anthony Warner of CRS Warner Kugel as trustee in bankruptcy.<br />
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Cranswick has yet to respond to BusinessDay's questions.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-78652673879695571172010-01-01T17:25:00.000-08:002010-01-01T17:25:52.373-08:00Erastus Akingbola, former MD/CEO of Intercontinental Bank Assets frozen for stealing bank deposits<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiWFbUKaRCp7ke71uhdBJtyOclS4RjWsu6fuCvN_5FDgsLVRdxu00CHHY6zGPM1L9wYV7ZxIkTqpEcSPKwZx2RYlaVnDRmeWdsfuHMEv3UeiC4okMplrN6f8dwmTXPNgm6ZUs6xkjUS0aaD/s1600-h/erastus+akingbola+nigerian+fraudster+arrested.bmp" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" ps="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiWFbUKaRCp7ke71uhdBJtyOclS4RjWsu6fuCvN_5FDgsLVRdxu00CHHY6zGPM1L9wYV7ZxIkTqpEcSPKwZx2RYlaVnDRmeWdsfuHMEv3UeiC4okMplrN6f8dwmTXPNgm6ZUs6xkjUS0aaD/s320/erastus+akingbola+nigerian+fraudster+arrested.bmp" /></a><br />
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By Oluwaseyi Bangudu<br />
January 1, 2010 04:01AMT<br />
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A Federal High Court sitting in Lagos, on Thursday, December 31, granted a Mareva injunction, freezing local and international assets of Erastus Akingbola, the former Managing Director of Intercontinental Bank PLC, for total offences amounting to the tune of N346,185,841,243.75 and £1,085,515.00.<br />
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The information was contained in a communiqué from the Central Bank of Nigeria, made available to NEXT, yesterday.<br />
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The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) had filed an application, under sections 6 (D), 7(2), 24(11), 26(1), 28 and 34(1) of the EFCC Act 2004, seeking, among others, the hearing of the Originating Motion within the shortest possible time to prevent Mr. Akingbola from dissipating the assets.<br />
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The U.S. legal definitions website, explains that a Mareva injunction is a type of court order “of interlocutory relief designed to freeze the assets of a defendant, in appropriate circumstances, pending determination of a plaintiff’s claim. Mareva injunctions are often used to prevent a defendant from transferring assets out of the Court’s jurisdiction as soon as a claim is served, in order to frustrate enforcement of any ensuing judgment”.<br />
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Intercontinental Bank PLC had obtained similar injunction from the High Court of Justice, Queen’s Bench Division, Commercial Court, London, dated December 24, 2009, to freeze Mr. Akingbola’s assets up to the tune of £10,500,00.00.<br />
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Erastus Akingbola London prohibition<br />
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That prohibition included the following assets, in particular: the £8,540,134.58 and £1,300,000.00 which were transferred to Fuglers Solicitors; any money held in an account of Fuglers Solicitors; the property on 26, Chester Terrace, London, NW1 4NB; the property on 65, Grove End Road, London, NW8 9NH; the property on 8, Connaught Street, London, W2 2AH.<br />
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Mr. Erastus Akingbola's travails started on August 14 when the Central Bank of Nigeria sacked him, along with four other bank chiefs, on accounts of what the CBN calls excessively high level of non-performing loans in the five banks.<br />
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This was attributed to poor corporate governance practices, lax credit administration processes and the absence or non-adherence to the bank’s credit risk management practices and having acted in a manner detrimental to the interest of their depositors and creditors. Ever since the sack, Mr. Akingbola is alleged to be taking solace in London.<br />
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On December 17, 2009, a Lagos High Court dismissed a N200 billion suit instituted against the EFCC by four companies, allegedly owned by Mr. Akingbola. The companies – Tropics Finance and Investment Company Limited; Tropics Properties Limited; Tropics Securities Limited and Tropics Holding Limited – had filed the suit before Morenike Obadina of the high court, alleging a violation of their fundamental rights during an investigation conducted by the commission into the company’s operations. They consequently asked for N50 billion each in damages.<br />
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Erastus Akingbola is also facing charges that include conspiracy to grant unsecured credit facilities, conspiracy to manipulate share prices, reckless consideration of credit facilities without adequate security and failure to present monthly statement of account to the Central Bank, among other charges.<br />
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The assets on which the order was granted include, but are not limited to: shares held in listed companies in Nigeria, including, but not limited to, Intercontinental Bank Plc and Access Bank Plc, among others; shares held in other companies in Nigeria including, but not limited to, Tropics Securities Limited; Tropics Property Limited; Tropics Holdings Limited; Summit Finance Company Limited; Tropics Finance & Investments Company Limited; Yankuri Nigeria Limited; Regal Investment Nigeria Limited and Bankinson Nigeria Limited.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-27746583358063402622010-01-01T17:15:00.000-08:002010-01-01T17:15:47.219-08:00Cecilia Ibru Nigerian Millionaire Rogue Banker Thief and FraudsterCecilia Ibru needs no introduction in Nigeria. With a net worth of over $1.2billion she is ranked among the richest in Nigeria and Africa but lately she has been embroiled in financial scandal. Fondly called “First Lady” of Nigerian banking sector, Ibru’s piled up awards after awards including Order of the Federal Republic (OFR).<br />
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As the awards came, her ego grew bigger and greed set in very quickly as she embarked on a property acquisition binge that spanned the globe.<br />
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The Times of Nigeria investigation in the United States shows that Cecilia Ibru in the past three years alone bought over twenty five choice properties in the United States of America. Some of these properties were acquired using fronts including her daughter, Janet Ibru and son Obaro.<br />
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She also has properties worth millions of dollars in the United Kingdom, Dubai and South Africa. <br />
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She didn’t even trust her daughter enough to have her keep the properties long as she promptly had the properties transferred back to her name most times just three months after purchase for free meaning that she never paid her daughter for the transfer of ownership.<br />
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The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission has charged Ibru with money laundering amounting to a staggering 25.4 billion Naira ($203m).<br />
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Some of the money our investigation revealed was used to finance her expensive lifestyle and purchase of exquisite properties around the world.<br />
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The Times of Nigeria is in possession of 25 property deeds in the United States of America belonging Cecelia Ibru with a total of 11 in the state of Maryland.<br />
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In less than 24 months, she splurged close to $6million into 11 properties in gated communities in Prince Georges Country, in the U.S state of Maryland. The properties are all ensconced gated communities reserved for wealthy Washington, DC metro area affluent.<br />
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In this report, we will focus solely on the Maryland properties. We will do a report on properties in Other American States such as Georgia, California, North Carolina and many more. <br />
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Ibru’s first foray into Maryland’s property market was a $452,508.00 property nestled in a newly developed gated community. The property was developed by Toll MD V Limited of Maryland. The deed shows that a front was used to buy the property which was later transferred to Cecilia Ibru. The deed shows the property, located on 4155 Chariot Way; Upper Marlboro was closed on March 12th 2009 by one Anita DaSilva Ibru.<br />
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On April 14th, 2009, Anita DaSilva Ibru closed on another property on the same street. This time the cost was $440, 105.00 on 4145 Chariot Way, Upper Marlboro. A week after this buy, another property next door was guzzled up at a cost of $451, 629.00 on 4139 Chariot Way, Upper Marlboro. A another front was used this time around to avoid suspicion of Maryland authorities the name of Edesiri Onatejiroghene Ibru was used to pay for the property. On that same day, Obaro and Hirut Ibru bought another property on number 4149 of the same street at the cost of $473, 657.00. <br />
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Probably tired of using front in her dealings, Cecelia directly bought house numbers 4141 and 4143 on Chariot Way on April 13 2009 at the cost of $441, 790.00 and $439, 362.00.<br />
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On July 22nd 2008, she bought 14605 Hawley Lane, Upper Marlboro, MD 20774 for $399,990.00 through her daughter, Janet Ibru. The same Janet had early acquired 14630 Hawley Lane, Upper Marlboro on the May 17th 2008 at the cost of $460,703.00. On October 28th of 2008 Janet, again, bough the house on 14721 Argos Place, Upper Marlboro for $457,950.00. This was followed by the acquisition of 14719 Argos Place, Upper Marlboro at a cost of $451,840.00 on November 26th 2008.<br />
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One common theme with these houses purchased by Janet Ibru is that they were all transferred back to her mother at no fee about three months after she bought them. <br />
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Perhaps the most expensive of her binge-buy in Maryland is the property on 11300 Dappled Grey Way, Upper Marlboro which she paid $987,949.00 for on October 7th 2008. This time she used her name so no transfer was done.<br />
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The Times of Nigeria has records of these acquisitions along with the deeds showing names of their owners.<br />
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We managed to take a few of the pictures of some of the houses before we were ushered out buy security officials of the gated communities.<br />
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Also, in the course of our investigation into Oceanic Bank’s financial transactions in the United Kingdom and Nigeria, we discovered that a phony company was created as a conduit for illegal transfer of funds from Nigeria to foreign accounts. This phony company is has Cecilia Ibru and one of her son’s, Obaro as sole signatories. We also will catalogue the role played by one Dele Oye who served as a major conduit for Ibru’s nefarious activities and how they use a nondescript company to perpetrate their scam.<br />
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More..................<br />
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By Ifedayo Adebayo<br />
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The former Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of Oceanic Bank, Cecilia Ibru turned herself in to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at 2:41pm on Wednesday, four days after she was declared wanted by the commission alongside Erastus Akingbola, former chief executive of Intercontinental Bank.<br />
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The two former bank chief executives were dismissed from their jobs on August 14 and declared wanted on charges of fraud, stock manipulation and money laundering.<br />
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Dressed in her usual black skirt suit, Mrs Ibru looked tired and upset about the entire situation. She came with her lawyer, Niyi Akintola, supported by almost five associates, who huddled around to console her.<br />
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Mrs Ibru had been declared wanted for “failure to honour the commission’s invitation,” said Femi Babafemi, the Commission’s spokeperson.<br />
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Apart from failing to honour the Commission’s invitation, intensive search by the EFCC was unsuccessful, according to Mr. Babafemi. The Commission then concluded that Mrs Ibru went into hiding.<br />
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Dramatically, she came out of hiding yesterday.<br />
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Where was Cecilia Ibru? <br />
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One of the issues that came up was where she had been. However, her lawyer, Mr. Akintola, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, who came with her client, said Mrs Ibru went to the EFCC office from her hospital bed. She was seen being supported by her physicians.<br />
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“She came right from her hospital bed, even with her doctors and she is here,” Mr. Akintola said. “Nobody, apart from the court of law, can declare someone wanted. The court had made that clear; no organisation has the right to declare anybody wanted or order for the detention of any citizen. It is only the court that can do that. The bailiff is there. Well, she is still being interrogated. We don’t know, but that is the order of the court.<br />
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“Forget declaration, they don’t have such power to detain her,” her lawyer said. Immediately after a brief meeting with the chairman of the EFCC, Farida Waziri, Mrs Ibru, in company with her physicians and EFCC officials were driven out of the Awolowo Road office in a Toyota Land Cruiser, Lagos plate number, BY400FKJ to the EFCC detention facility on Victoria Island.<br />
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In his reaction to whether Mrs Ibru will be released on Wednesday, Mr. Babafemi told NEXT that she was being held for interrogation and that the outcome of the interrogation would determine what the next action would be.<br />
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The bank debtors’ arrest<br />
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The EFCC had yesterday ordered the arrest of all bank debtors who failed to meet a seven-day ultimatum it gave them to refund the loans they obtained from the affected banks.<br />
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According to Mr. Babafemi, about fifty people were to be apprehended by the officials deployed across the country. He said the commission was still waiting for the full report to determine the number of those who had been arrested.<br />
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Meanwhile, counsel to the other 15 bank executives already in custody had already started approaching the Commission’s Lagos office with petitions and request for the release of their clients.<br />
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<div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none;">Wole Olanipekun, counsel to Okey Nwosu and Sebastian Adigwe, former chief executives of FinBank and AfriBank respectively, on Wednesday, submitted a letter to Mrs Waziri requesting for the release of his clients.<br />
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<div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none;">The letter, which was signed by Mr Olanipekun and Anthony Idigbe, requested that the Commission should release the duo on bail, based on the ruling of a Lagos high court . The counsel stated that Mr Nwosu had already been granted bail on stringent conditions, but was still being held.<br />
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<div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none;">The court order submitted to the EFCC, requested that the applicant should be granted leave to exercise their fundamental human rights to personal liberty and human dignity.<br />
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</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-37509236499233791732009-11-08T20:16:00.000-08:002009-11-08T20:16:59.218-08:00Corruption as a way of life in Africa<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
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<tr align="left"> <td><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial,Trebuchet MS,Helvetica; font-size: xx-small;">Monday, October 26, 2009</span></td> </tr>
<tr align="left"> <td> <span style="color: #990066; font-family: arial,verdana,helvetica; font-size: x-small;"> Martyn Drakard</span> </td> </tr>
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</tbody></table><span style="color: black; font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">In his book Africa--<em>Altered States, Ordinary Miracles</em>, Richard Dowden quotes John Robertson, a Zimbabwean economist, on corruption. Robertson says: “We imagine corruption to be like a tick on a dog. There are some places in Africa where the tick is bigger than the dog.” <br />
<br />
Transparency International’s 2009 Global Corruption Report (GCR) bears out Robertson’s insight. Yet, corruption in Africa does have its explanation. In her book Dead Aid, the Zambian economist Dambisa Moyo, writes: “Throughout the latter half of the twentieth century and up until the 1990s, the Cold War had provided richer countries with the political imperative to give aid monies even to the most corrupt and venal despots in Africa. One of the features of the Cold War was the West’s ability and eagerness to support, bankroll and prop up a swathe of pathological and downright dangerous dictators from Idi Amin… to Mobutu Sese Seko… to Samuel Doe. Bokassa’s coronation as Emperor of the Central African Republic in 1977 alone cost $22 million.” This view is augmented by a World Bank study which found that as much as 85 percent of aid flows were used for purposes other than that for which they were initially intended, often diverted to unproductive, if not grotesque ventures. <br />
<br />
According to Transparency International, Mobutu is estimated to have looted Zaire of $5 billion. Roughly the same amount was stolen from Nigeria by President Sani Abacha and placed in Swiss private banks. In Africa, natural resources such as oil, minerals and high-quality wood provide unlimited opportunities for personal wealth accumulation. <br />
<br />
Corruption happens at many different levels of bureaucracy, and has become a way of life. According to Transparency International, in Africa, the informal sector amounts to more than 40 per cent of the economy in many countries, reaching well over 50 percent in Nigeria and Tanzania. The lack of legal protection and the desire to dodge regulations makes the informal sector easy prey for extortion and the solicitation of bribes by corrupt officials. According to a May 2008 study, 90 percent of entrepreneurs in Burundi think paying bribes is standard practice. The main reasons include reducing tax payments, advancing a file in the tax service and avoiding fines. But other reasons include “persuading” an official to retrieve a “lost file” urgently needed for business or immigration purposes, and avoiding the harassment of police for invented traffic offences. <br />
<br />
In Morocco, integrity studies found that only 7 percent of Moroccan companies say they have attempted to act when faced with corruption. Companies were unsure if they would be vindicated for their actions or even feared reprisals if they reported corrupt activities. In the words of the Transparency International report: “corrupt practices constitute a destructive force that undermines fair competition, stifles economic growth and undercuts a businessman’s own existence.” <br />
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In the last two years alone, billions of dollars have been paid in fines due to corrupt practices. This brings about low staff morale, loss of trust among customers and prospective business partners. To paraphrase author Moyo: In a world where money is just for the taking, there is no need or incentive to trust your neighbor, and no need for your neighbor to trust you. Thus the essential fabric of trust that is needed between people in any functioning society is eroded. <br />
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A section of the Transparency International report is dedicated to regulations, procurement, transparency and undue influence. In Angola and Uganda, for example, the costs of starting a business surpass the average per capita income, putting formal status well beyond the means of many informal entrepreneurs. According to Ethiopia’s Central Statistical Agency, the urban informal sector of this overwhelmingly rural country comprised almost one million people in 2003, with an initial capital of $4 billion, despite the rapid growth of the formal sector. <br />
<br />
Morocco experiences an annual loss of some $3.6 billion, owing to lack of transparency, a considerable portion of the $13.8 billion spent annually on public procurement. <br />
<br />
Specifics abound. In 2006, the Tanzanian government contracted a U.S. firm to build and operate a power plant. Most of the contract negotiations were carried out in secret and ultimately the plant fell behind schedule, incurring great costs. An investigating committee issued a detailed report in 2007 alleging that high-ranking officials had influenced the decision to retain the U.S. firm despite objections made by the technicians. As a result the prime minister and the current and former ministers for energy and minerals resigned. <br />
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Transparency International’s report documents many cases of managers, majority shareholders and other actors inside corporations who abused power entrusted to them for personal gain. In developing and transition countries alone, companies colluding with corrupt politicians and government officials have supplied bribes estimated at up to $40 billion annually. Research shows that one half of the international business executives polled estimated that corruption raised project costs by at least 10 per cent. Ultimately it is the citizens who must pay. <br />
<br />
The revolving doors between public office and the private sector, also documented in the report, provide a smooth path to deceitful public procurement deals where non-competitive bidding and opaque processes lead to immense waste and unreliable services and goods. Again, it is the ordinary man and woman who suffer the devastating consequences of corruption, through water and power shortages, exploitative work conditions, unsafe medicines, illegal logging, and poorly and illegally constructed buildings that collapse and kill. <br />
<br />
But there are promising public and private sector developments. When Ghana began to facilitate and promote registration of informal businesses, entrepreneurs reported being exposed to less corruption. Ghana and Senegal have licensed or are considering licensing informal water vendors, and have established guidelines for tanker operators and independent entrepreneurs, in an effort to reduce exposure to abuse. And in Kenya, in 2007, a new licensing law eliminated over 140 different business licenses that had previously been necessary to open a business. These excessive regulatory requirements had bred widespread opportunities for bribery in order to avoid compliance. Almost 90 per cent of the top 200 businesses worldwide have adopted business codes, according to the Transparency International, but fewer than half report that they monitor compliance. This type of corporate ethics lip service is exactly why corruption in still one of Africa’s leading growth sectors.<br />
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<em> Martyn Drakard writes from Kenya. <br />
</em><br />
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</tbody></table>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-24917368781009628732009-11-08T20:05:00.000-08:002009-11-08T20:06:52.858-08:00African corruption is a crime against humanity<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.toonpool.com/user/648/files/african_problems_172965.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://www.toonpool.com/user/648/files/african_problems_172965.jpg" width="252" /></a><br />
</div>By Susan Dicklitch<br />
<br />
LANCASTER, PENN. - You'd have to be living in a cave not to know that Martha Stewart got a "five and five" sentence a few weeks ago for lying about her stocks. Chances are, you're not living in a cave, but you still don't know about one of the biggest con jobs of our time: The misuse of foreign aid to Africa.<br />
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Perhaps this is because it's not as sexy as Ms. Stewart's trial or as gut-wrenching as the genocide in the Darfur region of Sudan. Or perhaps, it is because it has been such an embarrassment to Western governments and private organizations who keep on believing that foreign aid will help Africa.<br />
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As long as corruption exists at its current levels in Africa, and as long as donors continue to look the other way, foreign aid will simply serve to keep African kleptocrats in power.<br />
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Consider this: Sub-Saharan Africa has received an estimated $114 billion in bilateral and multilateral aid from 1995-2002. Yet African countries have consistently ended up at the bottom of the United Nations Development Program's Human Development report, which measures life expectancy, gross domestic product per person, and literacy.<br />
<br />
So you may ask the billion-dollar question: Where did the money go? Perhaps the British high commissioner to Kenya, Edward Clay, was asking the same question about official graft last month when - suggesting donor aid to Kenya could be suspended - he publicly accused unnamed Kenyan officials of behaving so gluttonously at the aid trough that they are now "vomiting on the shoes" of donors.<br />
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And sub-Saharan Africa has seen the likes of many gluttons. Some of the most infamous include Mobutu Sese Seko, the former president of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) who allegedly stole $5 billion, and Sani Abacha, former president of Nigeria, who allegedly looted more than $2 billion. Both former leaders are dead, but their legacy of corruption continues to afflict their nations.<br />
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Corruption may not be as bad as genocide, but it is also a crime against humanity. Corruption is a killer of initiative and trust. It drives away foreign investment and undermines the development of the rule of law.<br />
<br />
But most callously, corruption robs African children of a better future. Just ask the students in Kenya who could have had 15,000 new classrooms with the $188 million that Mr. Clay alleged has gone missing under President Mwai Kibaki's so-called anticorruption administration.<br />
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Transparency International, a Berlin-based nongovernmental organization (NGO) that tracks global corruption, ranks most African countries at the bottom of its list. Even some of the purported African success stories, such as Uganda, are at the bottom of that list.<br />
<br />
But is there hope for the future? Much hope has been placed in the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), an Africa-wide initiative that calls for good governance, accountability, and a peer-review mechanism as part of its monitoring process.<br />
<br />
The African Union (AU) - the successor of the Organization for African Unity - even adopted a Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption last year, and 30 countries have signed it. But only three countries have ratified it - and it requires 15 ratifications to take force.<br />
<br />
The UN has also initiated a UN Convention Against Corruption that has been signed by more than 100 countries, including Kenya which has also ratified it.<br />
<br />
But why should America care? While many Americans are debating whether Martha Stewart should have gotten more or less than the five months in prison and five months house arrest she got for lying about her stocks, African bureaucrats are literally getting away with millions. For donor agencies and nations, as well as African societies themselves, not to make political and civil leaders accountable for aid money is to be complicit in the perpetuation of corruption.<br />
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Congress is poised to increase foreign development assistance to the world's poorest nations by nearly $2 billion, with most of that money going to combat HIV and AIDS. But HIV and AIDS spending is not free from corruption either. Fly-by-night briefcase NGOs have sprung up everywhere, even with AIDS funds and even in countries that have a great track record like Uganda.<br />
<br />
Some donors have taken a hard line against corruption, such as DANIDA (Danish International Development Agency) which cut off aid to Malawi and Kenya as a consequence of blatant corruption. The IMF and the World Bank have also instituted the HIPC Initiative (Highly Indebted Poor Country), which provides debt reduction tocountries that have developed transparency, accountability, and a poverty reduction strategy. To date, 23 of the 27 countries under the HIPC initiative are African.<br />
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The US Millennium Challenge Account - which disburses aid to recipient countries on the basis of their good governance, health and education initiatives, and free market economic policies - is a step in the right direction.<br />
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Ultimately the only real security against corruption is if Africans make their leaders accountable and demand transparency. The international community has an obligation to help eradicate poverty, but the international community also has the right and the obligation to demand accountability and transparency as well. Donors should work more closely with each other to ensure that African governments that turn a blind eye to corruption get cut off from foreign aid.<br />
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Kudos, not criticism, should go to Edward Clay for having the courage to speak bluntly against corruption in Africa.<br />
<br />
• Susan Dicklitch is associate professor of government at Franklin & Marshall College and has conducted research in Uganda, Cameroon, and Ghana. She wrote 'The Elusive Promise of NGOs in Africa: Lessons from Uganda.'Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-11718450724680096772009-09-13T09:58:00.000-07:002009-09-13T10:01:59.144-07:00Inventory of Zimbabwe's Minister Ignatius Chombo’s wealth<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg40nP-RI9py3T4M7A5V9VJqDe6HxhMt8NswebD8wy67GEbivVMA_RhuN2KqWkDnmdFGpMLggETktIhhh2fg9NXWK4Iy5LBBAaB0arnbdmHbimj-iSBHWVBCcgaQpCLvgj8HCM_4E4H7itK/s1600-h/ignatious+chombo+zimbabwe.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 220px; height: 221px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg40nP-RI9py3T4M7A5V9VJqDe6HxhMt8NswebD8wy67GEbivVMA_RhuN2KqWkDnmdFGpMLggETktIhhh2fg9NXWK4Iy5LBBAaB0arnbdmHbimj-iSBHWVBCcgaQpCLvgj8HCM_4E4H7itK/s320/ignatious+chombo+zimbabwe.jpg" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5380998368042010882" /></a><br />By Talkmore Mudonhi<br /><br />TODAY I bring you the details of the sprawling business and property empire that Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo as mysteriously built over the years.<br /><br /><br />Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo<br />Although Chombo clearly attempted to hide his empire under shelf companies and various other guises its sheer size meant that this was ultimately an exercise in futility.<br /><br />Chombo is currently locked in battle over property with his senior wife, Miriam Chombo.<br /><br />Dozens of housing stands and other property amassed by Chombo over the years have been listed under several shelf companies or in the names of his sons in a desperate bid to cover up the minister’s sprawling empire.<br /><br />The concealment of Chombo’s properties under shelf companies and third parties was facilitated by Attorney General Johannes Tomana, who masterminded the transfer of the properties to some of Chombo’s sons and investment vehicles.<br /><br />Chombo’s letter addressed “to the attention of Mr Tomana” states: “Can the following assets be transferred to the named persons as follows:-<br /><br />1.Enoch Masimbaashe — House No. 79 West Road, Avondale West, Harare; Benz 320.<br />2.Tafadzwa Rugara — Flat No. B320, Odzi Court, Eastview Gardens, Harare.<br />3.Dylan Chombo — San Sebastian Flat, Cnr Tongogara/6th Street.<br />4.Dr I Chombo — Flat No. B319, Odzi Court, East View Gardens, Harare.<br />5.Nimrod Gilford Chombo — Volvo, Norton business stand, Chishawasha residential stand, Chinhoyi business stand, Chelsea Flats, Block of 4 units.<br />6.Ignatius Morgen Chiminya Chombo Jnr — Norton Business Stand, Chishawasha residential stand, Banket business stand, Chelsea Flats, 1 block of 4 units.<br />7.Marian Chombo – Greendale House, Glenview 1 House, Glen View 7 House, Land Cruiser. Item No. 7 to be transferred into Marina Chombo’s son trust.<br />Chombo’s letter also advises Tomana to transfer 100 percent shareholding of Growfin Investments – his major investment vehicle – into Chombo Family Trust. He also advises the AG to transfer new Allan Grange Farm to the Chombo Family Trust.<br /><br />The contents of other documents in our possession bear witness to Chombo’s incredible wealth: stands in Epworth, Chirundu, Kariba, Ruwa, Chinhoyi, Mutare, Chegutu, Binga, Victoria Falls, Zvimba, Chitungwiza, Beitbridge, Harare and Bulawayo.<br /><br />All these stands are mostly commercial, some of them residential, hidden under investment vehicles Dilcrest Investments, Hutmat Investments, Growfin Investments, Teamrange Investments, Waywick Investments, Harvest-Net Investments, Waycorn Investments, Tonewick Investments, Aixland Investments, and Nedbourne Investments. All the investment vehicles were created by the minister to hold his properties.<br /><br />Pride of place must go to the more than dozen housing stands accumulated in Harare’s leafy suburbs, including Stand 61 in Helensvale which is hidden under Harvest-Net Investments. It is fully paid for and awaiting title deeds.<br /><br />The minister has also acquired residential stands 257 to 260 in Borrowdale Estates under investment vehicle Waywick Investments, residential stands 251 to 255 again in Crowhill Borrowdale estates under Tonewick Investments, stand 293 in Avondale under Waywick Investments, and stand 365 Beverly in Harare under Nedbourne Investments.<br /><br />Below is the full list of some of the minister’s properties:<br /><br />Houses<br /><br />•243 Arcturus Rd, Greendale<br />•79 West Rd, Avondale West<br />•2334 Mwenezi Avenue, New Marlborough<br />•House No. 187, 24 Crescent Glenview 1<br />•House No. 7386 – 4th way Glenview 7<br />•Chelsea Garden Flats – 3 Clyst road, Chadcombe<br />•Flat no. B319, Odzi Court, East view gardens<br />…..<br /><br />Vehicles<br /><br />1.Mazda 323 – registration number 692-967Z<br />2.Nissan 3.0 – 782-177R<br />3.Mercedes E230 – 826-101K<br />4.Toyota Land Cruiser – 795-526B<br />5.Toyota Land Cruiser 841-061N<br />6.Mazda B1600 – 644-814J<br />7.DAT/Nissan 2000 – 698-750K<br />8.Mazda B2200 – 525-882K<br />9.Peugeot 678-302J<br />10.Land Rover station wagon 46CD24<br />11.Nissan N-Champ<br />…<br /><br />Trucks and Trailers<br /><br />1.Freightliner horse 830-643X<br />2.Freightliner horse – 830-644Y<br />3.Freightliner horse 830-641V<br />4.Freightliner horse 830-642W<br />5.Mamsen tanker flat deck 805-833E<br />6.Tasker semi-trailer tri-axle 812-854L<br />…<br /><br />New Allan Grange Farm trucks and trailers<br /><br />1.International 9700 horse – 808-860V<br />2.Volvo FL6 dropside – 723-023T<br />3.Mercedes Benz 1417 truck 567-746P<br />4.Leyland Comet 16.16 dropside 495-736S<br />5.Mamsen trailer tri-axle 832-204Q<br />6.Homemade trailer – 827-847H<br />…<br /><br />Tractors<br /><br />1.John Deere, JD 4450, JD4255, JD 3140, JD 3350<br />2.Landini tractor<br />3.Same 80<br />4.Same Explorer tractor<br />5.Same 60 tractor<br />6.Case 4230 case tractor<br />7.Messy Ferguson MF390, MF 390E<br />8.2 Fiat-Agri 8066 tractors<br />9.2 New Holland NH-8066<br />…<br /><br />Total 17 tractors<br /><br />Motor bikes<br /><br />1.Jialing 125JHL,<br />2.3 Suzuki 35Suzuki, 2 125 Suzuki bikes<br />3.Yamaha 100<br />4.Yamaha 115<br />5.Honda 185<br />Total 7 bikes<br /><br />…<br /><br />More farm equipment<br /><br />•15 trailers,<br />•8 harrows,<br />•5 planters,<br />•2 ploughs<br />•3 combine harvesters CLAAS 78s, Classic 78,<br />•Case combine harvester<br />Total 3 combine harvesters<br /><br />…<br /><br />•3 grinding mills,<br />•3 graders<br />•2 generators<br />•2 compressors<br />•2 welding machines<br />•2 gas welding and cutting sets<br />•2 centre pivots<br />•10 pumps – 1 Hydroflo<br />•9 100HP pump units<br />•6 storage tanks<br />•2 grinders<br />More than 1000 pipes and ancillary equipment such as taps, bends, end plugs reducers<br /><br />…<br /><br />•324 sprinklers<br />•6 Compaq PCs<br />•1 HP office jet 4110 printer<br />•LX300 Epson printer<br />…<br /><br />Residential and commercial stands<br /><br />•Epworth commercial stand hidden under Hutmat Investment paid in full, need to be fenced<br />•2 Chirundu local board commercial stand under Growfin Investment<br />•Kariba stands No. 1201, 1202 commercial stands hidden under Hutmat investments – paid for<br />•Ruwa local board stand No 23407 hidden under Teamrange investment – paid in full<br />•Chinhoyi stand No. 6819 hidden under Nedbourne Investments – paid in full<br />•Mutare commercial stand Hutmat Investments – not yet paid for<br />•Chegutu stand No 30250 Hutmat Investments paid in full<br />•Binga Lakeshore commercial stand No 1493 Teamrange Investment – waiting EIA<br />•Victoria Falls stand No 1382 and 1383 Hutmat investments – application made<br />•Zvimba Rural District Council by Brockfield Waywick Investments – application made<br />•City of Harare Stand 61 Helensvale Harare – Harvest-Net Investments – fully paid awaiting title deeds<br />•Chitungwiza Stand No 29540, Unit G Seke – commercial stand Hutmat Investments – paid for<br />•Beitbridge town residential stands – Waywick investments – application made<br />•Beitbridge town residential stand 4691 – awaiting lease documents<br />•Harare Crowhill farms, Borrowdale Estates residential stands 261 to 265 Waycorn Investments – processing title deeds<br />•Crowhill Farms, Borrowdale Estates residential stands 251 to 255 Tonewick investments – processing title deeds<br />•Harare stand 293 Avondale Waywick investments – fully paid awaiting title deeds<br />•Harare stand 365 Beverly Nedbourne Investments (Pvt) Ltd, fully paid awaiting title deeds<br />•Bulawayo residential stands 93 Matsheumhlope, Aixland Investments<br />…<br /><br /><br />--------------------------------------------------------------------------------<br /><br />Article printed from The Zimbabwe Times: http://www.thezimbabwetimes.comUnknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-70525479942797754102009-08-07T17:08:00.000-07:002009-08-07T17:18:28.291-07:00Gideon Gono Steals Money from NGO coffers to Fund Mugabe and Build Himself a 112 Roomed Manion<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiaDNfBb7ZQVFeRJtRbEsETsMDYQXWHkZdnG4REYMQjvggiTpflgi4Lk8EH12jqwmyOiWO4KPjmcKxM6hyphenhyphen2n6rsKZrp7-DeBLkp78SqnMtUFmu3W2DR5U5MX2Cg3oa9063vuCspb-tw3gI-/s1600-h/Gideon+Gono+Zimbabwe+Thief.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 318px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiaDNfBb7ZQVFeRJtRbEsETsMDYQXWHkZdnG4REYMQjvggiTpflgi4Lk8EH12jqwmyOiWO4KPjmcKxM6hyphenhyphen2n6rsKZrp7-DeBLkp78SqnMtUFmu3W2DR5U5MX2Cg3oa9063vuCspb-tw3gI-/s320/Gideon+Gono+Zimbabwe+Thief.jpg" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5367380462788325570" /></a><br /><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiD1IHWFskZanO4uD1rUCOr2-xNNCU5-IJ23TigOnp8U1dBpYIIuhFWCk37OaDre_pqYg2bqr8UzwFTwwQMwGeqWQ3p_Rw3-FpMTooPS_1jyNbK8nh_ALd-2m4VeRyhXnCdQ24M1E_4TJW/s1600-h/robert+mugabe+gedion+gono+mansion.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 294px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiD1IHWFskZanO4uD1rUCOr2-xNNCU5-IJ23TigOnp8U1dBpYIIuhFWCk37OaDre_pqYg2bqr8UzwFTwwQMwGeqWQ3p_Rw3-FpMTooPS_1jyNbK8nh_ALd-2m4VeRyhXnCdQ24M1E_4TJW/s320/robert+mugabe+gedion+gono+mansion.jpg" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5367380011213491730" /></a><br />ZIMBABWE – HARARE – It has been revealed that Gideon Gono as the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe abused funds meant to fight HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis in 2008 to aid Zanu PF’s political campaign. The Zimbabwe Telegraph reports.<br /><br />This was revealed on Friday when The Global Fund pledged $37.9 million to assist the fight against tuberculosis, malaria and HIV, resuming support after getting assurances from the new unity government that the money would not be misused the Zanu PF way of doing things.<br /><br />The fund said last year Zimbabwe’s central bank had confiscated $7.3 million in 2007 meant for health programmes. The head of the Global Fund’s Africa Unit, Fareed Abdullah, said the money, previously managed by the state-appointed National Aids Council, would now be overseen by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Zimbabwe.<br /><br />“We’re glad that today marks a turning point in the relationship between Zimbabwe and the Global Fund, after the troubled history of the past 18 months,” Abdullah said at a ceremony attended by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.<br /><br />“The reason behind getting the UNDP as the principal recipient is to do with that history, no doubt.”<br /><br />Abdullah said apart from helping in the fight against HIV/Aids, the money would also be committed to tuberculosis and malaria programmes.<br /><br />Tsvangirai said the grant showed increasing confidence in the unity government he formed with rival President Robert Mugabe in February in a bid to end a political and economic crisis.<br /><br />“There have been a number of skeptics. I can assure you that this government is indeed consolidating and is beginning to respond to the needs of the people, he said.<br /><br />Zimbabwe has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world, although the rate has been coming down in recent years.<br /><br />The country’s economic woes — which critics blame on Mugabe’s policies — have destroyed the public health system, a factor highlighted by last year’s cholera outbreak which killed almost 5,000 people.<br /><br /><br />MUGABE'S RIGHT-HAND MAN BUILDS 112-ROOMED MANSION<br />Fri 17 December 2004<br /> HARARE - Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor and President Robert Mugabe's <br />right hand-man, Gideon Gono, is building a 112-roomed mansion, with four <br />helipads in Harare's plush suburb of Borrowdale.<br /><br /> Architects told ZimOnline that they expected the opulent structure, <br />whose interior furnishings are mostly imported, to cost more than US$5 <br />million (about Z$25 billion) on completion. US$5 million is enough to build <br />and equip at least four primary schools in Zimbabwe.<br /><br /> The house, whose construction began in 2001, when Gono was still head <br />of the partly government-owned Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe, is located at <br />Number 2, Luna Road on Sunlands Farm, which is part of Borrowdale Estate.<br /><br /> Gono could not be reached for comment last night. The central bank <br />governor - who has led a government crackdown against corrupt company <br />executives and politicians who looted public funds to finance lavish <br />lifestyles - is however said to have denied having anything to do with the <br />Borrowdale mansion.<br /><br /> But government Deeds and Registry office records shown to ZimOnline <br />indicate that the farm on which the imposing castle-like house stands is <br />registered in Gono's name under deeds registration number 6225/00.<br /><br /> And sources said Gono had also been seen at the site on several <br />occasions checking on progress. The house is likely to be finished sometime <br />early next year, sources said.<br /><br /> "Mr Gono supervises the construction himself," said one source who did <br />not want to be named.<br /><br /> According to sources on the site, Gono, who is also Mugabe's personal <br />financial adviser, had demanded the faces of his wife, children and himself <br />be carved onto the house's stone castle tower.<br /><br /> And among some of the features of the beautiful mansion are an art <br />gallery, billiard room, library, a 60-guest dining room, servants' quarters, <br />and plasma televisions in virtually every room. The grounds boast a <br />magnificent swimming pool, with three islands and a gazebo.<br /><br /> The house, believed to be the biggest in Harare, has a Victorian <br />shingle style. Sources said the interior is expansive, but contains many <br />classical elements.<br /><br /> "The original quarter-sawn golden oak woodwork is magnificent," said a <br />source. He added: "The home is furnished with museum quality oil paintings, <br />furniture, and family heirlooms."<br /><br /> Under the Gono-led anti-corruption drive, several top ruling ZANU PF <br />party officials have been arrested mostly for siphoning foreign currency out <br />of the country.<br /><br /> But South African lawyers acting for Finance Minister Christopher <br />Kuruneri, arrested for illegally externalising foreign currency to buy <br />properties here, told a Cape Town court that Gono helped Kuruneri get the <br />hard cash he is accused of siphoning out of Zimbabwe. - ZimOnlineUnknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-86820491189016362252009-08-01T09:28:00.001-07:002009-08-02T07:17:53.732-07:00Billy Rautenbach - Making money exploiting Mugabe's Corrupt Regime<object width="560" height="340"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/fa-8ndhZAHY&hl=en&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/fa-8ndhZAHY&hl=en&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="560" height="340"></embed></object>At a time when all but a few hundred of Zimbabwe's white farmers have been kicked off their land, fugitive businessman Billy Rautenbach has been handed a vast tract in the south, left in trust by former Nationalist leader Joshua Nkomo to develop black agriculture.<br /><br />Some black farmers there claim Rautenbach has interfered with their ranching and is trying to push them out.<br /><br />This was revealed in a documentary in the Dispatches slot on Britain's Channel 4 last Monday.<br /><br />The film also shows how a British company, Camec plc, whose chairman is former Test cricketer Phil Edmonds, was involved in mining deals in Zimbabwe which the Movement for Democratic Change claims funded Zanu-PF violence during the election period last year.<br /><br /><br />Rautenbach is a major shareholder in the opaque shareholdings of Camec, which has periodically talked up its share price in London and made some public statements about operations which contradicted the reality. Its assets are far fewer than regularly reported in the British press, and at present it has only one which is active, in Katanga province of the Democratic Republic of Congo. <br /><br />Rautenbach is on the US and EU sanctions list, which means he cannot travel there nor can citizens of those countries trade with him, but he bankrolls some of Camec's activities in Zimbabwe, and uses a Camec-connected company's bank account at Jyske Bank, in British crown colony Gibraltar.<br /><br />South Africa's prosecuting authority applied for Rautenbach's extradition from Zimbabwe more than two years ago for trial on massive customs fraud in SA, but this request was ignored by the former Zanu-PF government.<br /><br />Rautenbach has just completed drilling tests in platinum sites in central Zimbabwe wrested from Anglo Platinum by the former government last year.<br /><br />CAMEC CEO Andrew Groves, schooled in KwaZulu-Natal, confirmed the company had paid President Robert Mugabe $100 million (R7.9 billion) for the concessions which Anglo Plats was forced to hand over to protect the development of its platinum mine in central Zimbabwe.<br /><br />It was this money, several top MDC leaders claim, which helped fund the election violence last year in which about 200 MDC supporters were killed and hundreds injured. <br /><br />Extraordinarily, Rautenbach has been given access, via a majority share in a new company, Cutstar Investments (Pvt Ltd), to more than 300 000ha of Nuanetsi Ranch bought by Nkomo in 1989 and held in a trust to promote black agriculture.<br /><br />Dozens of smaller-scale black ranchers have established herds of beef cattle on Nuanetsi and they told Channel 4 Rautenbach was harassing them. They claimed their operations were at risk, that their fences were torn down and their water supplies interrupted.<br /><br />Rancher Moffat Ndou told Channel 4 journalist Aidan White: "We were invited to a meeting at (Nuanetsi) ranch headquarters. At this meeting we had Billy Rautenbach, we had the managing director of Nuanetsi ranch and we were then informed that Nuanetsi ranch had got into a joint venture. <br /><br />"He (Rautenbach) said (to us) 'what part of f**k off do you not understand?'"<br /><br />Another rancher, Terry Mkowa, also resisting eviction efforts, said: "He (Rautenbach says he is well-connected... you cannot do anything to me. I am a powerful man."<br /><br />The pro-Zanu-PF Sunday Mail ran a full front page on July 19 headlined "Mega bucks project", which claimed a mystery investor was pumping $1 billion into Nuanetsi and part of the development would be the establishment of 100 000ha of sugar cane to be turned into ethanol to reduce Zimbabwe's fuel bill.<br /><br />However, water experts say there is not enough water to support so much sugar. "Even if all local water available was dammed, there wouldn't be nearly enough, so this project is just talk," said a veteran farmer. <br /><br />Rautenbach is the "mystery investor". He went into the DRC to take over state mining company Gecamines when Mugabe's troops entered the war there in 1998, but was sacked by late DRC president Laurent Kabila, who accused him of stealing the state's share of the cobalt joint venture.<br /><br />After Kabila's assassination, Rautenbach went on to develop a cobalt site given to him by the DRC, but was deported two years ago. He sold his DRC assets to CAMEC and continues to run its one cobalt mining project from Harare, say some of his staffers.<br /><br />CAMEC says it has frozen Rautenbach's shareholding in the company, because Rautenbach is on the sanctions list, but its operations in Zimbabwe, at least in platinum drilling, are organised by Rautenbach and financed from the Yske Bank account in Gibraltar, belonging to one of its subsidiaries.<br /><br />The results of the drilling of Anglo Plats's former concessions produced predictably good results, but mining insiders say it would take several years and hundreds of millions of rands of investment before CAMEC could produce any platinum.<br /><br />Rautenbach claims he has made good contacts with the MDC since the formation of the inclusive government. Two important members, Finance Minister Tendai Biti and deputy agriculture minister designate, Roy Bennett, don't seem to agree.<br /><br />"What I know of him is not complimentary. I wouldn't want to be his friend."<br /><br />Bennett added: "There has to be an audit of everything. Every single ministry within Zimbabwe has to be audited and basically it needs to be done in a transparent and open manner. Any dealings that are transparent and open for the benefit of the country and benefit of the people of Zimbabwe will be honoured. <br /><br />"But any deals that can be seen to have political patronage or political involvement definitely will be undone." <br /><br />He confirmed this would apply to CAMEC as well.<br /><br />South African prosecutors believe they have proof that Rautenbach attempted to have charges against him withdrawn, or reduced, by sending one of his emissaries with $45 000 to former police commissioner Jackie Selebi. <br /><br />This was contained in an affidavit made by Glen Agliotti, accused of murdering SA mining magnate Brett Kebble. <br /><br />South African prosecutors have in the past year met Rautenbach in three countries to discuss a possible plea bargain.<br /><br />Rautenbach tells associates in Zimbabwe that he met the South Africans to discuss dropping charges.<br /><br />Channel 4 gave both Rautenbach and Edmonds the opportunity to answer questions. Both declined. - Independent Foreign ServiceUnknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-47344716598743467372009-06-30T20:55:00.000-07:002009-06-30T20:59:21.157-07:00Frederick Chiluba - Thief!<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghT12ijnfnz8KFsvzz8_mUw9-YaYNgHhtF5jpVvlRA5tDGSZTZZ-nNEFiN5E45rcshwBuI3-gwBJtBAX3AD4t2hwwqFC1haK1_eRhdWhcyILiVrPCS6gXqxoMGV-bpsQ2Ecfff7Ems_ScM/s1600-h/frederick+chiluba+zambia.bmp"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 300px; height: 201px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghT12ijnfnz8KFsvzz8_mUw9-YaYNgHhtF5jpVvlRA5tDGSZTZZ-nNEFiN5E45rcshwBuI3-gwBJtBAX3AD4t2hwwqFC1haK1_eRhdWhcyILiVrPCS6gXqxoMGV-bpsQ2Ecfff7Ems_ScM/s320/frederick+chiluba+zambia.bmp" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5353336387686788658" /></a><br /><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtZ02FCNi_a-2Re64P9Yire5j9bvr7kHDRYKcGvmEbDgCgAJDwTj45kmNvOzUroBU1XwAiIgID0ayjj-KP-ehatk2mkQtVoCd3Xw3XV2rLIWQroNivfKpT1kpkW3cYyrYvT8AtonHPxOqN/s1600-h/frederick+chiluba+shoes+corrupt.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 222px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtZ02FCNi_a-2Re64P9Yire5j9bvr7kHDRYKcGvmEbDgCgAJDwTj45kmNvOzUroBU1XwAiIgID0ayjj-KP-ehatk2mkQtVoCd3Xw3XV2rLIWQroNivfKpT1kpkW3cYyrYvT8AtonHPxOqN/s320/frederick+chiluba+shoes+corrupt.jpg" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5353335874475779506" /></a><br />Mr. Chiluba owned more than 100 pairs of size 6 shoes, many affixed with his initials in brass. He is just a little over five feet tall, and each pair has heels close to two inches high.<br /><br />LUSAKA, Zambia — As the gleaming black Mercedes-Benz pulled up to the courthouse, an aide rushed to the passenger door, bowed deeply and then ceremoniously opened it. A foot, finely shod in a dove-gray shoe, appeared, followed by the rest of the man, Frederick Chiluba.<br /><br />For a decade, he was president of Zambia. Now, more than seven years after he left office, a court is deciding whether he stole from his impoverished people. A verdict is to be announced July 20.<br /><br />As common thieves and drug peddlers milled about, Mr. Chiluba strode through the corridors to his hearing, shaking hands, smiling magnanimously, throwing an arm around a co-defendant to chuckle over a private joke. <br /><br />Amid men in dingy shirts and worn trousers, he was impeccably dressed in a double-breasted charcoal suit, with a red silk handkerchief peeking from his breast pocket and a gold, diamond-studded watch glinting at his wrist.<br /><br />But once he was in the dock, his jovial demeanor evaporated. In the thin, sickly light that filtered in from narrow windows one recent morning, Mr. Chiluba replied somberly when the magistrate asked why his lawyers had failed to present a written summation on time.<br /><br />“I wasn’t aware, your honor, until today that the submissions are not made,” he said.<br /><br />Mr. Chiluba is a rarity in Africa, a Big Man brought low by corruption charges. He says he has done nothing illegal, but his many critics say his fall was brought on by the usual sins of the powerful — greed, vanity and pride — and a major tactical blunder: he underestimated the man he handpicked in 2001 to succeed him as president, the plodding, diligent lawyer Levy Mwanawasa.<br /><br />Mr. Mwanawasa died last year after an illness. But his pursuit of Mr. Chiluba outlived him.<br /><br />“Chiluba called himself the political engineer and he believed Mwanawasa would be his puppet,” said Mark Chona, who was appointed by Mr. Mwanawasa to lead a task force to investigate abuses of the Chiluba era. “But he misread Mwanawasa. For us, it was divine providence.”<br /><br />Even as Mr. Chiluba awaited judgment, his wife, Regina, was convicted on corruption charges in March and sentenced to three and a half years in prison. <br /><br />Mr. Chiluba faced a London civil court judgment in 2007 in a case brought by Zambia’s attorney general. He is still contesting the payment of damages.<br /><br />In that case, Justice Peter Smith of the High Court ruled that the former president owed Zambia $57 million for, among other things, expenditures from a secret intelligence agency bank account in London that was “set up primarily to steal government money.”<br /><br />“He should be ashamed,” Sir Peter wrote.<br /><br />The judge concluded that though Mr. Chiluba had a salary of only about $10,000 a year during his decade in office, he spent more than $500,000 in a single shop, Boutique Basile, in Geneva.<br /><br />“The president (unlike the emperor) needs to be clothed,” Sir Peter archly noted in his judgment.<br /><br />The shop owner, Antonio Basile, testified last year that payment for the clothes sometimes arrived in suitcases stuffed with cash.<br /><br />The goods are now stored in battered metal trunks by Zambia’s anticorruption task force. There are piles of designer suits, monogrammed dress shirts and elegant ties, silk pajamas and dressing gowns.<br /><br />But most remarkable are the more than 100 pairs of size 6 shoes, many affixed with Mr. Chiluba’s initials in brass. He is just a little over five feet tall, and each pair has heels close to two inches high. They are a riot of color and texture: jade-green lizard skin and burgundy suede, cream-color ostrich and lustrous red silk.<br /><br />As his second term drew to a close, Mr. Chiluba claimed that a popular clamor had arisen for him to stay in office. A third term would have required amending the Constitution. But by then, Mr. Chiluba, a former trade union leader elected as a reformer, led a government renowned for corruption. Civic groups and churches organized to stop him, and succeeded.<br /><br />Not long after he withdrew from political life, The Post, an independent newspaper, quoted a member of Parliament as saying that Mr. Chiluba was a thief. The state pressed charges of criminal libel against The Post’s editor and the politician.<br /><br />The legal maneuver backfired. Mutembo Nchito, the brash young lawyer representing The Post pro bono, effectively put Mr. Chiluba’s integrity on trial. He won access to records of the intelligence agency bank account in London, and discovered evidence of generous payments to Mr. Chiluba’s children, the boutique and even the chief justice of the Zambian Supreme Court, among others.<br /><br />“You never expect to find a smoking gun,” he said in wonderment.<br /><br />But before Mr. Nchito could introduce the bank records into evidence, he needed President Mwanawasa’s permission. <br /><br />Mr. Mwanawasa, who could have cited national security to hush up the scandal, instead gave Mr. Nchito permission to use the records, led an effort to strip Mr. Chiluba of immunity and named Mr. Chona to head the task force on corruption. Mr. Nchito was hired to prosecute criminal charges against Mr. Chiluba, who was accused of stealing about $500,000.<br /><br />The task force, now headed by Maxwell Nkole, has won convictions against Ms. Chiluba and former military commanders, among others. <br /><br />Mr. Mwanawasa not only pushed the prosecution of a leader from his own party but also, in the final months of his life, sharply criticized President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe for his violent repression of the opposition there. Despite his staid manner, Mr. Mwanawasa proved himself a maverick, challenging the patronage politics and tolerance for authoritarian rule that have marred many postcolonial African nations, historians and analysts say. <br /><br />Mr. Chiluba, in unsworn testimony earlier this year, expressed outrage at what he saw as Mr. Mwanawasa’s rank betrayal.<br /><br />“The presidency in Africa is not cheap,” Mr. Chiluba said, according to a transcript. “People die to secure the presidency. But here was Mr. Mwanawasa, who received it on a silver platter from my hands. He stabbed me in the back badly. I still bleed.”<br /><br />In his testimony, Mr. Chiluba denied that he had ever stolen public money. Instead, he said that he had spent money donated in political campaigns by corporate interests and other “well-wishers.” The identity of these contributors was secret because of what Mr. Chiluba called “the golden rule of anonymity.” The donors, he said, were made aware that “the party’s president has personal needs.”<br /><br />After the recent hearing, Mr. Chiluba walked quickly to his Mercedes, waving off questions with a flick of his hand.<br /><br />Back in the courtroom, Moffat Kabamba, a skinny 21-year-old in windbreaker and sneakers, was the next defendant in the dock. He was charged with stealing a cellphone and a bicycle. He mournfully confided that he had decided to confess because he was guilty. <br /><br />New York TimesUnknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8397768262429737764.post-5410693187888820952009-06-21T20:32:00.000-07:002010-11-14T19:29:06.755-08:00Philip Chiyangwa Zimbabwe: Hard Work or Corruption?<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrBqL1ZQP6DjoqNTAXSbmTxHm4pfEgjeYKEvx0avMaVBhnvg38MRM8p9Rc-3rFUhXJp-pSFdEcCgi3mBSTJphlmWLp2CSC9syd_DDmBOQl-aJ_vWOeLq_ZC7G0gmjxbeAT0IUUKSl4YETc/s1600-h/Philip+Chiyangwa_Rolls_Royce.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5349990807146177202" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrBqL1ZQP6DjoqNTAXSbmTxHm4pfEgjeYKEvx0avMaVBhnvg38MRM8p9Rc-3rFUhXJp-pSFdEcCgi3mBSTJphlmWLp2CSC9syd_DDmBOQl-aJ_vWOeLq_ZC7G0gmjxbeAT0IUUKSl4YETc/s320/Philip+Chiyangwa_Rolls_Royce.jpg" style="cursor: hand; display: block; height: 238px; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; width: 318px;" /></a><br />
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0cRfya-63RZkdZQN-zYMPwrRnxZywQQs1bdypmysF0h2pjxojPxC2JS9WCNh06Duf1_KWtjZOIncVp_yX_9GBcWJ8Drfit3JR0yD9mY9qxkiizhoyUTvumbr4jxOW6ppBfGeVdUYsgp30/s1600-h/Philip+Chiyangwa+Zimbabwe.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5349990413648370946" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0cRfya-63RZkdZQN-zYMPwrRnxZywQQs1bdypmysF0h2pjxojPxC2JS9WCNh06Duf1_KWtjZOIncVp_yX_9GBcWJ8Drfit3JR0yD9mY9qxkiizhoyUTvumbr4jxOW6ppBfGeVdUYsgp30/s320/Philip+Chiyangwa+Zimbabwe.jpg" style="cursor: hand; display: block; height: 224px; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; width: 300px;" /></a><br />
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Philip Chiyangwa (born 1959) the founder of the Affirmative Action Group, a chair of Native Africa Investments Ltd and has served as an MP for the ZANU-PF party in Zimbabwe.He is a cousin of President Robert Mugabe.Philip Chiyangwa grew-up in Chegutu town, some 100km south of Harare. He went to St. Francis school. His mother was from the Guta raJehovah sect. His young brothers James (Jimalo), Josphat and Mophat went to Pfupajena school.<br />
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He worked for Chakari Mine before he was called up as a member of the BSAP African Reserve.Chiyangwa was the party chairman of Mashonaland West, one of the party's most powerful constituencies after Mashonaland Central.<br />
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Chiyangwa is the proprietor of Native Africa Investments Ltd. based in Harare. His company has been involved in a few high profile takeovers, the most famous being G&D Shoes which he tried, without success to save from liquidation. He was also responsible for the 1998 visit to Zimbabwe by singer Michael Jackson and after announcing to National media that he would be working with the singer on various business projects.<br />
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As a member of the BSAP African Reserve and served for several months in the lead-up, during and post the March, 1980 election. In the November, 2000, publication 'The History of the British South Africa Police', Chiyangwa was featured in a photograph taken at the time of the election lying prone with a police-issued FN, chatting to a senior, white BSAP officer. A copy was leaked to Zimabwe's independent press bringing a vehement denial by Chiyangwa who offered a substantial reward for information as to (the photo's) source. The photo was, in fact, taken from the BSAP's magazine 'Outpost' archives in the early 80s, to be used at a later date for the-then unplanned history.<br />
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Chiyangwa's fortunes seemed little affected by the revelation and he later became front page news with his construction of a multi-bedroomed, massive mansion and fleet of imported luxury cars, all in the juxtaposition of incredible poverty among Zimbabweans in general. <br />
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"I own some of the world's most expensive cars. A Mercedes-Benz S600 (US$120 000), a Bentley which is worth US$150 000, a 10-seater private jet, more than 20 plush houses in the country, hotels and several other small businesses in and outside Zimbabwe."<br />
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"I own Pinnacle Investments, a multi-billion-dollar construction company that is generating trillions of dollars in local currency. Just look at the Chisora Village in The Grange, the five-star Pentagon II Hotel in Borrowdale and the Zimbabwe Engineering Company (ZECO), which manufactures railway rolling stock, locomotives, structural steel works as well as diesel plants and machinery. These businesses are generating millions for me."<br />
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Chiyangwa boasts several personal valuable assets and estimates his wealth at around US$30 million.<br />
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Chiyangwa is married and has children.<br />
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<strong>Chiyangwa's fortune is estimated at about USD30 Million.<br />
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You decide below in the comment section: Hard work or Corruption?</strong><br />
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<object width="560" height="340"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/H8QHxxMVG5Q?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0&color1=0x234900&color2=0x4e9e00"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/H8QHxxMVG5Q?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0&color1=0x234900&color2=0x4e9e00" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="560" height="340"></embed></object>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0